Democracy, according to Encyclopaedia Britannica, is a system of government where power is vested in the people. It has its roots in ancient Greece, specifically in the city-state of Athens around the 5th century BCE. The term comes from the Greek words “demos,” meaning people, and “kratos,” meaning power or rule. This early form of democracy, known as direct democracy, allowed citizens to participate directly in decision-making processes. The key elements of Grecian democracy were an Assembly (Ekklesia): A central institution where citizens could speak and vote on various issues, including laws and policies; a Council (Boule): A group of 500 citizens chosen by lot to manage daily affairs and prepare issues for the Assembly; and Courts (Dikasteria): Citizen juries that handled legal disputes and ensured laws were applied fairly.
Following the Greeks’ steps, the Roman Republic (509–27 BCE) introduced a representative system with elected officials and a complex constitution balancing different elements of society. Medieval and Renaissance Europe, through institutions like the Magna Carta (1215) in England, which limited the power of the king and laid the groundwork for constitutional government, kept a key remnant of democracy alive – individual rights – from being obliterated in the Middle Ages. During the Age of Enlightenment, Philosophers like John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Montesquieu further developed democratic theories, emphasising individual rights, separation of powers, and the social contract (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy).
Along the centuries came milestones such as the English Bill of Rights (1689), which further established parliamentary sovereignty and individual rights followed by the American Declaration of Independence (1776), which emphasised individual liberties and the right to self-government and then the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), which also highlighted universal rights and principles of equality and justice.
Today, these concepts are very much alive in modern-day democracy which emphasise participatory free and fair elections, the rule of law, protection of individual rights, separation of powers among branches of government, pluralism and equality.
Global overview
According to the V-Dem Institute’s Democracy Report of 2024, the world remains nearly evenly divided between democracies and autocracies, with about 71% of the global population living under autocratic regimes. This represents an increase from 48% a decade ago, indicating a significant shift towards authoritarian governance in many parts of the world.
The report shows that “autocratisation continues to be the dominant trend,” as the Institute had reported in previous Democracy Reports. It said: “New for this year [2024] is a systematic look at more fine-grained regime changes – countries that are experiencing democratic declines despite having recently improved (what we call Bell-turns), and inversely countries that are improving despite having recently been in a period of decline (what we call U-turns).”
The report further notes: “This volatility is often masked when simply taking the difference between countries’ present democracy levels and ten years ago, as done in previous Democracy Reports. Yet, countries’ democratic volatility is of substantial interest. Not least, examples of countries that have stopped and reversed autocratisation are critical for pro-democratic actors to learn from. Likewise, examples of countries where democratisation has, in short order, been reversed are tales of caution in how democratisation can fail to take a permanent foothold. We think this new analysis provides a more nuanced depiction of trends of regime change and informs the reader on how both democratization and autocratisation can be stopped and reversed.
Freedom House also reports a continued decline in global freedom and democratic norms due to flawed elections and increased armed conflicts. It mentions that authoritarian leaders and armed groups are major contributors to this trend, undermining democratic processes and civil liberties in various regions (International IDEA).
Also, the Global State of Democracy Report by International IDEA highlights that more than half of the countries monitored have experienced declines in democratic indicators over the past five years. Key issues include weakened rule of law, restricted freedoms, and reduced political participation (International IDEA) (World Population Review).
Regional overview
Europe and North America: While some European countries like Denmark, Ireland, and Switzerland maintain high democratic standards, others like the United States show signs of erosion due to political polarisation and governance issues, classifying them as “flawed democracies” (World Population Review).
Asia and the Pacific: The region displays a mix of progress and setbacks. Countries like Taiwan and Japan are considered “full democracies,” but others struggle with political instability and limited civil liberties (International IDEA) (World Population Review).
Africa and Latin America: Several countries in these regions experience political turbulence and democratic backsliding, exacerbated by coups and autocratic regimes. However, some nations, like Costa Rica and Uruguay, continue to perform well (International IDEA) (World Population Review).
Brief history of democracy in Africa
Pre-Colonial Systems: Before the advent of European colonisation, Africa was home to a variety of governance systems, including centralised kingdoms and empires such as the Ashanti Empire in West Africa and the Zulu Kingdom in Southern Africa, both of which had consultative councils and advisory bodies. In contrast, decentralised societies like the Igbo in Nigeria practised forms of direct democracy through village assemblies. These traditional systems played crucial roles in managing local affairs and maintaining social order (International IDEA, Global State of Democracy Report).
Colonial Impact: European colonisation, which began in earnest in the late 19th century and lasted until the mid-20th century, imposed autocratic rule across the continent, marginalising indigenous governance systems. Colonial powers like Britain, France, and Belgium established authoritarian administrations that disrupted local political structures and imposed new boundaries, often without regard for ethnic and cultural divisions (Freedom House, Freedom in the World).
Post-Colonial Era
Wave of Independence: The period between the 1950s and 1960s saw a wave of independence movements across Africa. Key figures such as Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya, and Julius Nyerere in Tanzania initially promoted democratic ideals. However, the post-colonial era quickly turned tumultuous, with many new nations adopting one-party states or military dictatorships as they grappled with internal challenges, ethnic conflicts, and Cold War geopolitics (World Bank, Governance Indicators).
Military Coups and Authoritarianism: From the 1960s through the 1980s, many African nations experienced military coups and the rise of authoritarian regimes. Nigeria, for example, underwent several military coups, while Mobutu Sese Seko established a long-lasting dictatorial regime in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) (V-Dem Institute, Democracy Reports).
Democratisation Movements
Late 20th Century: The late 1980s and early 1990s marked a significant period of democratisation, influenced by the end of the Cold War and increasing internal and external pressures for political reform. Countries like Benin (1991), South Africa (1994), and Ghana (1992) held multi-party elections and transitioned towards more democratic governance. The end of apartheid in South Africa was a landmark event, leading to the establishment of a democratic government under Nelson Mandela (Freedom House, Freedom in the World).
Challenges and Progress: The democratisation process has been uneven, with some countries making significant strides while others experience setbacks. Botswana and Mauritius, for example, are often cited as stable democracies, whereas countries like Zimbabwe and Eritrea face ongoing challenges related to political repression and lack of democratic freedoms (International IDEA, Global State of Democracy Report).
21st Century and Contemporary Developments
Resurgence of Authoritarianism: The early 21st century has seen a resurgence of authoritarian tendencies in some African countries. Leaders in Uganda and Rwanda, for example, have manipulated constitutions to extend their terms in office, undermining democratic principles (World Bank, Governance Indicators).
Popular Uprisings and Reforms: The Arab Spring in 2011 significantly impacted North Africa, leading to the overthrow of long-time rulers in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. While Tunisia successfully transitioned to a democratic government, other countries have faced ongoing instability. Efforts to strengthen democratic governance continue, with regional bodies like the African Union promoting democratic principles through frameworks like the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (V-Dem Institute, Democracy Reports).
Ongoing Struggles: Despite some progress, many African nations continue to grapple with issues such as corruption, electoral fraud, and political violence. Efforts to support democratic institutions and governance reforms are ongoing, with varying degrees of success across the continent (International IDEA, Global State of Democracy Report).
The situation in West Africa
West Africa has seen a mix of democratic progress and setbacks. Countries like Ghana, Senegal, and Cape Verde have made significant strides in consolidating democratic governance, holding regular and generally credible elections. Conversely, nations such as Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Niger have experienced democratic backsliding, with recent military coups disrupting political stability and democratic processes (Freedom House, Freedom in the World).
Recent Coups in the ECOWAS Region
Mali (2020 and 2021)
2020 Coup: On August 18, 2020, Malian President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta was overthrown by a group of military officers, citing widespread public discontent with government corruption, economic mismanagement, and a deteriorating security situation due to ongoing conflicts with jihadist groups. The coup was led by Colonel Assimi Goïta and the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP). Following the coup, Keïta resigned and dissolved the parliament (Al Jazeera, Mali Coup; BBC News, Mali Coup).
2021 Coup: A second coup occurred on May 24, 2021, when Colonel Goïta detained the transitional president and prime minister, citing their failure to consult him about a cabinet reshuffle. This further deepened the political crisis in Mali, leading to ECOWAS and the African Union suspending the country’s membership and imposing sanctions (Reuters, Mali Second Coup; France 24, Mali Coup).
Guinea (2021)
September 2021 Coup: On September 5, 2021, Guinea’s President Alpha Condé was ousted by the military, led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya. The coup followed widespread public dissatisfaction with Condé’s government, especially after he amended the constitution to secure a controversial third term. Doumbouya cited economic mismanagement and human rights abuses as reasons for the coup. ECOWAS responded by suspending Guinea’s membership and calling for a return to constitutional order (BBC News, Guinea Coup; Al Jazeera, Guinea Coup).
Burkina Faso (2022)
January 2022 Coup: On January 24, 2022, Burkina Faso’s President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré was deposed by the military, led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba. The coup was motivated by frustration over the government’s handling of the Islamist insurgency, which had resulted in significant loss of life and displacement. The military junta, calling itself the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (MPSR), took control of the country. ECOWAS suspended Burkina Faso and called for a quick return to constitutional order (Reuters, Burkina Faso Coup; France 24, Burkina Faso Coup).
Niger (2023)
July 2023 Coup: On July 26, 2023, Niger’s President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown by members of the presidential guard, led by General Abdourahmane Tchiani. The coup leaders cited deteriorating security conditions and government corruption as reasons for their actions. The coup prompted widespread international condemnation and led ECOWAS to impose economic sanctions and demand the reinstatement of President Bazoum (The Guardian, Niger Coup; BBC News, Niger Coup).
Regional and International Responses
ECOWAS: The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has consistently condemned these coups and has taken actions such as suspending the affected countries’ memberships and imposing economic sanctions. ECOWAS has also engaged in diplomatic efforts to mediate and restore constitutional order in these nations (ECOWAS, Democracy and Governance).
International Community: The African Union, the United Nations, and various international governments have condemned the coups and called for the restoration of democratic governance. These organisations have also provided support for regional efforts to stabilise and support democratic processes in West Africa (Source: United Nations, UN Statements on West African Coups).
Subsequently, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have morphed into the Alliance of Sahel States and firmed up their exit from ECOWAS by forming the Confederation of Sahel States, a political and economic union. This initiative, formalised in July 2024, builds on the earlier Alliance of Sahel States (AES), established as a mutual defence pact in 2023 to counteract threats from Islamist insurgencies and to foster regional stability and economic cooperation.
The formation of the CSS was driven by several key factors:
1. Economic Development: The member countries are among the poorest globally, with economies heavily reliant on agriculture. By pooling resources and fostering economic integration, they aim to spur development and reduce poverty (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
2. Security Concerns: Persistent threats from Islamist militants necessitated a coordinated military response. The joint force established by the three states aims to enhance their collective security capabilities (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
3. Geopolitical Strategy: The CSS aims to reduce reliance on Western powers, particularly in light of strained relations with ECOWAS, which imposed sanctions following the coups in these countries. Instead, they seek to establish a new regional order independent of foreign influence (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
The CSS plans to create an economic and monetary union, with proposals including a new currency called the “Sahel”. This union also seeks to coordinate diplomatic actions and invest in strategic sectors like mining, energy, and agriculture (Policy Center).
While the CSS signifies a significant shift in regional alliances, its success faces several challenges. These include the transitional nature of the current military governments, potential political instability, and the need for legal and institutional frameworks to support the confederation (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
How the Confederation of Sahel States Threatens Democracy in West Africa
Undermining Regional Democratic Norms
The CSS poses a significant threat to democratic norms in West Africa. This new alliance rejects the democratic principles and institutions upheld by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). By formalising their union, these countries signal a departure from the collective commitment to democratic governance, electoral integrity, and constitutional rule that ECOWAS has promoted for decades (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
Legitimising Military Rule
The establishment of the CSS effectively legitimises military rule in its member states, setting a dangerous precedent for other countries in the region. This move undermines efforts by ECOWAS and the international community to restore constitutional order and democratic governance following the coups in these countries. The juntas in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have resisted external pressures to transition back to civilian rule, thereby emboldening other potential military actors in the region to consider similar takeovers as viable and sustainable (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
Destabilising Regional Integration Efforts
The CSS’s withdrawal from ECOWAS and rejection of its principles threaten to destabilize regional integration efforts that have been built over the past 50 years. ECOWAS, established to promote economic cooperation, political stability, and democratic governance, now faces the challenge of a fragmented region with diverging political ideologies. The disintegration of regional unity hampers collaborative efforts to address common challenges such as economic development, security, and social progress (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
Strengthening Authoritarian Influence
The CSS countries have increasingly aligned themselves with non-democratic international actors, particularly Russia, at the expense of traditional Western allies like France and the United States. This shift indicates a strategic move towards authoritarian influence, which can further erode democratic values in the region. The strengthening of ties with Russia, known for its support of autocratic regimes, presents a direct challenge to Western efforts to promote democracy, human rights, and good governance in West Africa (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
Implications for Human Rights and Civil Liberties
The entrenchment of military regimes within the CSS threatens to exacerbate human rights abuses and restrict civil liberties. Military governments typically prioritize security and control over individual freedoms and democratic participation. Reports from these countries indicate increasing crackdowns on dissent, suppression of free speech, and curtailment of political opposition, which are likely to continue under the CSS framework. This trend jeopardizes the progress made in human rights and democratic governance in West Africa over the past decades (Policy Center) (AOL.com).
