In the aftermath of the historic Gen Z-led Kenya protests, the state authorities arrested and later prosecuted some of the alleged protagonists. Among them was Julius Kamau Kimani, who attempted to disrupt Treasury Cabinet Secretary Njuguna Ndung’u’s photo session outside the Treasury building moments before he read the budget that passed the now-botched controversial Finance Bill 2024. His charges were read to him in court thus: “On [the] 13th day of June 2024 at Treasury Building along Harambee Avenue in Nairobi CBD within Nairobi County, jointly with others not before court, created disturbance in a manner likely to cause a breach of peace by yelling, shouting and attempting to disrupt the photo shooting session by the Cabinet Secretary National Treasury and Economic Planning and his delegates.” He was then asked: “Julius, is it true or not?”
His answer was: “It’s true,” just before he launched the following off-script tirade as monitored and transcribed by Cisanewsletter.com:
“I don’t want to betray my concerns. I’m ready to do anything to see change in this country. I’m ready to die for freedom. I’m ready to die for justice. I’m ready to die for equality. We cannot continue living as slaves in our own country; the land of our fathers. The land where our forefathers bled and died to free this nation from the shackles of colonialism. Colonialism never really ended in this country. In this court, they use colonial penal codes – colonial laws. That is why I cannot get justice in a court of law. I want to speak for myself. I’ve realised that there comes an existential moment in life when you must speak for yourself. Nobody else can do it for you. I’m so sick and tired of living as a slave in my own country and I will say this a lot of times; many many times – I’m going to do so many things, so many actions to bring change into this country. You cannot continue to be ruled like this: being ruled by sick people, by mad people, by lions and thieves and criminals. These are the people who are in power in Kenya, in Africa. That is the situation we are living in. That is the kind of life we are living in. That’s why people are dying and nobody cares, poor people are suffering and nobody cares. So, I don’t know; what is the role of the government? I don’t know. I want to know today: what’s the role of the government? To protect the people, to kill the people or to make the people suffer? I think we have failed our people. The government has failed, everybody has failed. We have also failed ourselves. My concerns will not allow me to be silent. At any time, any moment, I don’t know whether this is going to come up anywhere but we must have this debate, we must have this conversation. We cannot continue living in fear. I see a lot of fear in this country, a lot of fear in the court. Just yesterday, we saw a magistrate who was shot by a police officer. I want to speak my dear friends, I want to speak because when you try to tell me to keep silent, my heart is burning, it’s burning because of taxes. For 60 years, we have been living like we are not human beings, like we are half-human beings, we are considered like children of a lesser god. This cannot continue, it cannot continue in any way. We are ruled by a minority that does not care for the interest of the majority. Politicians are liars and thieves. They have stolen our freedom, they have stolen our minds, they have stolen our land, they have stolen our future. Politicians have established lies and failed promises. We are victims of lies and failed promises, defied hopes and blasted dreams for 60 years. I don’t know what is going to happen. I don’t know whether you are going to sentence me but I’m ready to be sentenced for 100 years but I’m going to be speaking the truth until the day I leave this world. We cannot continue living like this my dear friends. We must resist; resistance is the only way for this country, for Africa. People are dying everywhere; even in Congo, people are suffering and we are silent. We have failed as human beings, we have completely failed as human beings, we are on a test as human beings. I don’t know why we call ourselves Christians, I don’t know why we call ourselves educated people, civilised people; we are not. We are not civilised at all. We are stupid and this stupidity is taking a toll on this country, too much toll. It’s so bad, it’s too bad, we cannot continue living like this. The government must get off the people.”
Kamau Kimani’s emotional and defiant speech, to some extent, encapsulates the frustrations of Africa’s youth in the 21st Century. It single-handedly represents the desire of a critical mass that wields unstoppable force, to speak and be heard in the affairs of their countries.
Currently, the population of Africa, according to Worldometer, Statistics Times and PopulationPyramid.net is approximately 1.51 billion people. As of 2024, estimates by the World Economic Forum and Africa Union suggest that approximately 60% of Africa’s population is under the age of 25. That means there are about 800 million young people in Africa. Thus, Africa has the youngest population in the world. Comparatively, approximately 2.1 billion people among Asia’s total population of 4.75 billion are under the age of 25, according to Worldometer. Europe, on the other hand, has a population of 136 million under the age of 25 out of a total population of 742 million. North America, according to Census.gov, has about 22 per cent (83 million) of its total population of 379 million, under the age of 25, while South America, per Worldometer estimates, has approximately 30 per cent (133 million) of its total population of 443 million, under the age of 25. On the continent of Oceania, about 33 per cent (15 million) out of the total population of 46 million, is under 25 (Worldometer). Antarctica is the only continent in the world without a native population. It is mostly inhabited by transient scientists and researchers from all over the globe together with their support staff.
For Africa, which has 60 percent of its people under the age of 25, there is no way such a huge force and voice can be silenced. So, unlike in the past decades when Africa’s youth were largely passive, social media has now given them an avenue to vent and they surely want to be heard in the governance of their countries, especially under democratic dispensations. They normally start with their activism on social media which then spills onto the streets in various forms and shapes.
The Kenya protests that erupted on the streets of Nairobi after gaining unstoppable momentum on social media is a clear example. The youth occupied Kenya’s parliament following the passage of the unpopular bill, setting part of the legislature on fire and clashing with riot police, who fired live rounds into the crowd, killing some of the demonstrators and injuring several others. Eventually, President William Ruto rejected and withdrew the bill. He, as well as Kenya’s political elite, recognised that their generation cannot keep foisting decisions on the younger generation without their input. The Kenya protests showed the whole of Africa that the continent’s youth are becoming more assertive and active in the governance of their countries and that the young people would no longer be mere spectators in the national affairs of their countries. If need be, they will intervene in the fiercest way possible, damning the consequences – even death. The message by the youth of Kenya was received loudly and clearly on the whole continent.
The Youth of Uganda March on Parliament, too
Borrowing a leaf from their peers in Kenya, young Ugandans also hit the streets of Kampala, the national capital, on 23 July under the hashtag #March2Parliament to demand the resignation of the Speaker of Parliament Anita Among as well as four members of parliament who shared an award of $460,000 for “public service,” the VOA reported. The youth chanted down corruption, the insensitivity of the government to the plight of the ordinary Ugandan, the lack of proper health services, and poor utility services among others.
The government unleashed a team of police and army personnel on the demonstrators, most of whom were arrested and detained. One of them, who was thrown under a police van, Salim Papa Were, told journalists: “We are protesting against escalating levels of corruption in Uganda,” adding: “I was marching because I want Anita Among to resign, she has stolen from this country. These resources are not hers, this is taxpayers’ money.” Another demonstrator, Kirya Samson lamented: “No drugs in hospitals, bad roads, Kampala is the pothole capital. It’s because of corruption. We are tired.”
Before the demonstration, President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for almost four decades, warned the youth that they were “playing with fire.” In a televised address, Mr Museveni condemned: “What right… do you have to seek to generate chaotic behaviour? … We are busy producing … cheap food, other people in other parts of the world are starving… you here want to disturb us. You are playing with fire because we cannot allow you to disturb us…” Also, the Uganda Police Force, in a statement preceding the march, described the protests as “potentially anarchic” and warned that it “shall not tolerate disorderly conduct.”
As reported by the VOA, some of the demonstrators used social media to say their last goodbyes even before the march started just in case the brutality they anticipated took them to the other world: “Just in case I get abducted or I die in the march, you can use this (photo) for creating awareness. Otherwise, tell mum I played a fundamental role in saving my country! I know she will be happy!” activist Ashiraf Hector wrote on X. Another wrote: “Tomorrow, very early in the morning, I will join my fellow young people as we march to parliament against escalating corruption in Uganda. We will come face to face with murderers and in case things go south for me, this is my official portrait.” But the youth were not alone in the struggle. Just like in the Kenya scenario, they had some much-needed support from a group of lawyers who wrote to the authorities, arguing: “The police cannot prohibit a demonstration from proceeding but have powers to regulate it to ensure it takes place within confines of the law.” They urged President Museveni to “ensure that the constitutional right to assemble, demonstrate peacefully … is not violated with impunity by security agencies.”
Nigeria Follows Suit
A few weeks into what seemed like the never-ending Kenya protests over the unbearable cost of living, the youth and citizens of Nigeria also jumped aboard the protest bandwagon. Several thousand Nigerians poured onto the streets chanting down the government’s “bad governance” and rising cost of living while some of them in the northern part of the country (Kaduna and Zamfara), flew Russian flags – an act that Nigeria’s army chief Musa described as a “treasonable offence.” The BBC reports him as saying: “We are warning in clear terms that we will not accept anybody, any individual flying any foreign flag in Nigeria. That is a treasonable offence, and it will be viewed and treated as such.” Some 40 of the bearers of Russian flags were arrested as well as the tailors making them and those funding them. Amid the protests, the citizens cried out to Vladimir Putin’s Russia to rescue Nigerians from President Bola Tinubu’s hardships, chanting, “We’re hungry.” Meanwhile, the Russian embassy in Nigeria issued a disclaimer thus: “As always, we emphasise that Russia does not interfere in the domestic affairs of foreign states, including Nigeria,” adding that those protesters flying Russian flags were doing it as a “personal choice.” Apart from the Russian flags, a Chinese flag was also spotted among the protesters.
Despite the death of seven protesters and the arrest of over 700 others as of the time of the authoring of this piece, Nigerians kept pouring onto the streets to make their voices heard. They totally ignored a call by President Tinubu for patience and an end to the protests. Tinubu started his presidency in May 2023 by scrapping an age-old fuel subsidy which quickly had an adverse knock-on effect on the cost of everything, thus, making life unbearable for ordinary Nigerians.
Ghana Almost Had its Share of the ‘Kenya Spring’
Before the Nigeria protests, the demonstration train nearly stopped in Ghana, but for the immediate stoppage by the authorities of an intended sale of four hotels in which the Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT), the state-owned pension firm, had stakes, to another hospitality company owned by the Minister of Food and Agriculture. The deal triggered the anger of Organised Labour, who threatened to embark on a series of national protests against the deal. Sensing that such a demonstration could quickly go the Kenya way, officialdom hurriedly issued a statement announcing a termination of the process. Satisfied, Organised Labour then called off the intended demonstration, which had been preceded by a short strike. Amid the ‘Kenya Spring’ momentum, Ghana’s Majority Leader of Parliament, Alex Afenyo Markin, suddenly began cautioning his fellow politicians in the corridors of power to focus on delivering the goods or risk having another Kenya play out on their home soil.
Senegal Protests
Earlier this year, there were similar youth-led, social media-inspired protests on the streets of Dakar, the capital of Senegal, following an announcement by the president at the time, Macky Sall, of the postponement of the 25 February 2024 national election to December. The announcement sparked widespread youth-led protests that, just like the Kenya situation, first started on social media before spilling onto the streets. The government, on Tuesday, 13 February 2024, had to disrupt mobile networks “due to the dissemination on social networks of several subversive hate messages that have already provoked violent demonstrations,” the Ministry of Communication, Telecommunications and Digital Energy explained in a statement published by Aljazeera. Nonetheless, the protests didn’t stop. They brought serious pressure on Macky Sall, who, just like the Kenya situation, gave in and announced a new date, Sunday, 24 March 2024, on which the election took place that resulted in the victory of Africa’s youngest-ever elected president, Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye, who, himself, had been a prisoner of political activism just a few weeks before his election.
South Africa Protests
In Makhanda in South Africa, the residents, in June 2021, went on several protests against the municipality demanding “a clear and tangible plan to fix potholes, supply clean and uninterrupted water, end sewage spills entering river systems, improve service delivery and maintain upkeep of the town’s infrastructure” (News24). Also, students of the East Cape Midlands College in the same town in February 2024, burned paper and cardboard outside the school’s gates while protesting against payments by the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS). It was reminiscent of the 16 June 1976 Soweto Uprising by students who resisted the then-Apartheid government’s order that Afrikaans be used as the medium of instruction alongside English in black schools. According to South African History Online, the students saw Afrikaans as the language of the “oppressor” and, so, on 16 June 1976, thousands of black students from various schools in Soweto, a township near Johannesburg, organised a peaceful protest march against the imposition of Afrikaans in their schools. They were met by heavily armed police forces who fired teargas and later live ammunition to disperse the crowd. The first student to be shot was 13-year-old Hector Pieterson, whose image, captured by photographer Sam Nzima, became an iconic symbol of the brutality of apartheid. The march spread across the whole of South Africa with anti-Apartheid resulting in the killing of hundreds of black South African youth. The June 16 protests are commemorated as Youth Day, a public holiday in South Africa every year.
In its publication titled: ‘Youth Demonstrations and their Impact on Political Change and Development in Africa’, accord.org.za also details several instances of impactful African youth protests post-Arab Spring.
After the ousting of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, the publication notes that Sudan saw the emergence of a coalition government combining civilian and military leadership. This significant step followed extensive protests, reflecting a broader trend in Africa where youth-led movements have driven political change. These movements, it pointed out, aimed to dismantle long-standing dictatorships and pave the way for democratic governance, as seen in Tunisia, Egypt, Burkina Faso, Senegal, and Sudan. The Sudanese protests, initially triggered by economic grievances, evolved into a widespread demand for political reform, culminating in the fall of Bashir and the promise of elections leading to civilian rule. This transition exemplifies how protest movements can influence post-protest politics and development, achieving primary objectives like ending autocratic regimes and promoting democratic governance, which can foster socio-economic progress. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Burundi, youth protests have opposed attempts to extend presidential term limits by leaders like Joseph Kabila and Pierre Nkurunziza. Similarly, in Guinea and Burkina Faso, protests against Alpha Condé and Blaise Compaoré, respectively, highlighted the youth’s role in defending democracy.
Students-led Mass Protests Topple Bangladesh PM
Outside Africa, the ‘Kenya Spring’ may have inspired and influenced the students-led mass uprising in Dhaka, Bangladesh that forced the South Asian country’s “dictatorial” and “corrupt” Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, to flee to India, paving the way for a new care-taker government led by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus. Hasina had been in power for 15 years. She allegedly ruled with an iron fist by crushing all opposing voices and imprisoning her opponents, as well as rigging elections. The protests started in July but reached a crescendo in early August. The uprising was triggered by the introduction of a quota system for government jobs which allegedly favoured people with connection to Hasina’s party.
Could These Protests Become an ‘African Spring’ Africa’s youth are making their voices heard in the political and governance processes of their country through these protests. They have realised, it seems, that they cannot leave things entirely in the hands of those at the helm of affairs. While they have lost trust in their leaders, their patience has also run thin. They have no intention to wait for the next election to vent their frustration. They want to do it now before things get out of hand. As far as they are concerned, it is the patience they had for such rot in the past decades that led to the decadent pile-up. To get things fixed, they must show the powers that be that their numbers must count for something. In Kenya, the protests jolted President Ruto into making several pro-poor changes as a sign of sensitivity to the demands of the ordinary Kenyan. In Nigeria, the protests have, at least, opened an opportunity for dialogue between the government and the enraged citizenry. But certainly, it has sent a message to officialdom that the concerns of the youth and the ordinary Nigerian cannot be shelved until the next elections. In Ghana, the authorities feared the worst and acceded to the demands of Organised Labour to save itself another ‘Kenya.’ The protestant revolution appears to have shaken the foundations of the business-as-usual way of doing things by African leaders. It has delivered a clear message to the authorities that sovereignty resides in the people and they choose whom to allow to hold that in trust for them and when they deem that trustworthiness gone. The protests have demonstrated that when a phalanx of ordinary citizens crystallise their frustrations with a united front, their voice becomes God’s and not even machine guns can silence it.
