Introduction
Corruption has become a signature of Ghana’s politics, a canker so pervasive that it permeates governmental culture to the extent that it appears more of a structural element than a deviation (Agbodohu, 2014; Kwainoe & Boateng, 2024). Since 1992 to date, each election period brings new promises of reform, accountability, and transparency, but the story is always the same: political representatives get elected, and eventually or inevitably, there are allegations of corruption. Public outcry is followed, and nothing really changes. Why? This article tries to go beyond the common blame game put squarely at the politicians’ feet. Instead, it explores a tougher but more necessary truth: that Ghana’s politicians are not merely a cabal of corrupt individuals operating in concert with one another, but are, in many ways, representative of the society that elects them. This article argues that the ingrained patronage culture, sense of entitlement, and personal dependence elicited from political leaders, and especially Members of Parliament, makes corruption not just likely, but inevitable. The moment a politician is sworn in, he must play benefactor-in-chief. He must fund funerals, pay school fees, find employment for people, fix roads, and provide direct cash to voters. In the absence of private funds or government appropriations to fund such requirements, a number of politicians will seize public treasuries or turn to illegitimate practices as survival mechanisms.
The Politician as “Father Christmas”
In Ghana, a Member of Parliament is scarcely judged on the performance of how well they do in Parliament or how much they contribute to enactment of legislation and parliamentary debate. Instead, they are supposed to perform as local development officers, money sponsors, and welfare one-man organisations. Individuals measure the worth of an MP not in bills that they help pass or in policies in the nation that they help shape, but in funerals attended, school fees paid, and how often they “show face” within the community in cash donations. This is extremely cultural and ingrained due to our communal and extended family values (Akpa-Inyang & Chima, 2021; Ekanem, 2020). This is not necessarily a bad thing, but it’s a sign of a society where the state has sometimes failed to meet basic needs and individuals then need to look to those who “have made it.” Unfortunately, when one is elected as an MP, they are “supposed” to have “made it” and therefore must give back constantly and generously. But where is the source of the money to meet all of these expectations? An MP’s pay, however higher than the average Ghanaian salary, is not sufficient to meet ever-present and rising economic demands placed on politicians by constituents. Politicians are moved to act in morally questionable or even illegal ways in order to meet these social obligations. Some seek deals with business interests in exchange for future favors. Others inflate contracts, demand kickbacks, or divert public funds intended for development. The most cynical ones create, loot, and share, treating the public purse as a personal bank account for their political endurance. This is not always a choice born from greed. It is often a strategy of political survival. A politician who refuses to give may be seen as stingy, ungrateful, or out of touch and may be voted out, regardless of how effective they were in their actual legislative role.
Citizens are not merely victims of this system; they are active participants. Every election cycle is a marketplace where votes are traded for favors. Campaign rallies are awash with promises, not of sound policies but of personal benefits: “I will get you jobs,” “I will pay your fees,” “I will sponsor your apprenticeship.” Politicians know what the people want, and they give it to them not in terms of governance, but in goods and cash. Some voters admit openly: “We will take their money now; once they are elected, they’ll forget us.” This cynical game continues because the two major parties with the most representatives in Parliament are complicit. Politicians loot to fund campaigns and carry favor. Citizens accept and expect this behavior as normal. Then, when the consequences of poor governance becomes evident in broken hospitals, bad roads, high unemployment, the same voters cry foul.
A Culture of Short-Termism
This entire framework is underpinned by a dangerous short-termism, a mindset that prioritizes immediate personal gain over long-term collective progress. An MP who builds a clinic may be less appreciated than one who gives out cash at a community durbar. A politician who reforms local education policy may be punished for not showing up to a funeral with a donation. Many people often vote with their stomachs as well as judge leaders by the number of problems they solve personally, not institutionally. This approach leaves little room for visionary leadership as well as creates a fertile ground for corruption. If Ghana is to overcome the stranglehold of political corruption, the change must begin not only at the top but from the grassroots. Citizens must stop expecting MPs to play roles outside their mandate. Parliamentarians are lawmakers, not philanthropists. Their job is to represent constituents’ interests at the national level, shape legislation, and hold the executive accountable. Instead of demanding school fees and rent payments, voters should ask:
- What laws have you sponsored?
- How have you contributed to national debates?
- What development policies are you advocating for this constituency?
This cultural shift will not happen overnight. It requires civic education, media reform, leadership from religious and traditional authorities, and most importantly, political will. But unless we change the nature of our political engagement, Ghana will continue to cycle through the same types of leaders, those who steal to survive and survive by stealing.
Conclusion
This article does not seek to justify corruption. Rather, it aims to confront the societal expectations that fuel it. If we are to build a more accountable and effective political system in Ghana, we must first acknowledge the role citizens play in creating and sustaining the very conditions that breed corruption. The Ghanaian politician is not an alien being who descends into office with corruption in their veins. Faced with these pressures, many compromise. Until we change the nature of our demands, we will continue to reproduce the same failures, no matter who we elect. If we truly desire accountable, visionary, and honest leadership, we must start by confronting the mirror. We must ask difficult questions not just of our politicians but of ourselves. What kind of leadership do we demand, and what do we reward? Corruption in Ghana is not just a leadership problem. It is a societal problem,and until the Ghanaian voter changes, the Ghanaian politician never will. It also behoves on the politicians, to be bold and assertive and confront these challenges by speaking out openly about the pressures they face. Leadership is about taking bold decisions and sticking to them.
Reference
Agbodohu, W. (2014). Corruption in Ghana: Causes, Consequences and Cures. International Journal of Economics, Finance and Management Sciences, 2(1), 92. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ijefm.20140201.20
Akpa-Inyang, F., & Chima, S. C. (2021). South African traditional values and beliefs regarding informed consent and limitations of the principle of respect for autonomy in African communities: A cross-cultural qualitative study. BMC Medical Ethics, 22(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-021-00678-4
Ekanem, S. A. (2020). The place of individual rights in communal Africa. International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI), 3(2), 74-78. https://doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v3i2.72
Kwainoe, M. E. E., & Boateng, P. J. A. (2024). Throes of Corruption in Ghana. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 12, 491-507. doi: 10.4236/jss.2024.1211034.
