Introduction
Security contagion refers to the spread of insecurity from one sector or group into others, much like a virus attacks a healthy body (see Acemoglu et al., 2016). It is not always about armed conflict or violent crime. Sometimes, it is about slow-burning and everyday forms of vulnerability that chip away public safety and confidence (see Adegbite & Odetunde, 2024; Oorungbami, 2025). Although there is limited study on this in Ghana, the proliferation of street begging reflects exactly this: a creeping form of insecurity that spreads through neglect, economic desperation, as well as institutional inaction. Today, Accra, the capital, and major intersections like Kwame Nkrumah Circle, Tetteh Quarshie Interchange, UPSA Junction, Madina U-turn, Shiashie, and the Airport Junction area, have become awash with beggars. These are not just isolated individuals because they represent a growing informal population: women with infants strapped to their backs, children weaving through traffic for coins, and persons with disability holding placards pleading for help (see Osa-Edoh & Ayano, 2012; Stones, 2013). In most places, foreign nationals, particularly from the Sahel belt (Mali and Niger), are dominant in the begging scene, a reflection of a cross-border trend linked to regional displacement and poverty (see Bøås & Strazzari, 2020; Ojedokun & Aderinto, 2015).
The beggar profile has widened and increased over the past decade. What was a marginal phenomenon has become normal. However, instead of a strict policy response or social action, the response has been mostly reactive, with periodic crackdowns and public outcry with little follow-through. Meanwhile, the number of beggars keeps swelling, and their presence is normalised. Drawing on field observation and security contagion as an analytic concept, this article explores how street begging in Accra constitutes a subtle but significant indicator of deepening urban insecurity. It aims to examine the cross-border and socio-economic dynamics underlying this trend and how the management of these everyday vulnerabilities reflects broader institutional and governance challenges in Ghana’s urban realm.
2. Analytical framework: Security Contagion and Tactical Urbanism
Security Contagion refers to the spread of risks, behaviours, or attitudes across communities or groups through social interactions, media influence, as well as environmental exposure (Martínez et al., 2023; Riggio & Riggio, 2023). In this context, the issue of street begging, particularly in high-traffic urban spaces such as Madina U-turn, can be seen as a slow-burning, pervasive form of insecurity that is both visible and hidden, normalised as well as tolerated over time. Security contagion underscores the idea that certain forms of social dislocation, such as poverty as well as the marginalisation of specific populations, begin to erode trust in the state and public institutions. These incremental exposures to vulnerability weaken the social fabric, leading to an erosion of social cohesion and a gradual spread of insecurity throughout urban environments.
In addition to security contagion, the study draws on Simone’s (2004) concept of “people as infrastructure”, which explores how marginalised urban populations navigate the city through informal means in the absence of state support. Simone suggests that in contexts where formal infrastructures such as public welfare, housing, as well as security fail to meet the needs of the people, individuals and groups become infrastructure themselves (Simone, 2004). They create tactical networks of survival, relying on personal networks, improvisational strategies, as well as adaptive spatial practices to make do in the urban environment (Simone, 2018, Perera, 2015).
Simone’s theory helps contextualise the behaviour of those engaged in street begging. They are not passive recipients of charity nor mere victims of a dysfunctional system. Rather, they are active agents who take possession of the city’s resources (street, public spaces among others) temporarily and informally. Begging’s spatial strategies, the way they insert themselves on busy locations or carry out turns in intersections, showcase how people can act as living infrastructure, improvising because they are excluded from formal city structures.
3. Methodology
The observation component of the study was carried out in Madina, Accra, around Madina U-turn, Zongo Junction, as well as Madina Station. These areas were chosen because they had a high level of pedestrian and motor vehicle movement, hence offering ideal locations for the study of the street begging dynamics within an easily observable but normally overlooked urban environment. Field observations were conducted for three months, between January 2025 and March 2025. During these three months, field visits were conducted during peak hours morning (7:00 AM to 10:00 AM) and evening (4:00 PM to 5:00 PM) to observe the busiest time when beggars would most likely interact with people passing by. Process observation was planned to document beggars’ patterns of behaviour, the type of people involved (e.g., females with kids, elderly, disabled people), and their spatial strategies when searching for places of most visibility and potential assistance.
3.1 Ethical Considerations
Due to the delicate subject of the study and the vulnerability of the population, strict ethical protocols were adopted. The study was conducted under a non-intrusive observation paradigm, that is, there was no face-to-face contact, interviews, or identification of individuals. Personal information or identifiable features of individuals were not documented, and the intention of observation was limited to environmental and behavioural traits. The researcher took a non-interference approach, ensuring that no action obstructed the actions of the observed people. Special care was taken not to portray people in a manner that would reinforce stigma, pity, or moral judgment. Generally, the method satisfies the analytical conceptualisation of security contagion by treating street begging not in its isolated singular form but as one element of a broader ecology of insecurity in the urban space of Accra. The dynamic interaction between spatially embedded observation and ethically sensitive methods ensures the analysis is rigorous and respectful
4. Results and Discussion
4.1 Emerging Patterns of Street Begging in Madina
Field observations conducted from January to March 2025 at the Madina U-turn, Zongo Junction, and Madina Station revealed significant patterns of street begging that are symptomatic of broader socio-economic vulnerabilities. The beggars, consisting of women with infants strapped to their backs, young children weaving through traffic, and persons with visible disabilities, were observed primarily in areas of heavy pedestrian and vehicular traffic. These locations, particularly the intersections and market entrances, served as key spaces for informal survival strategies. Over the three months, it became evident that street begging in Madina is not a transient issue, but rather a persistent and visible symptom of a deepening urban crisis. The beggars’ strategic positioning at busy junctions and their regular presence over several months suggest a systemic, rather than sporadic, issue of economic exclusion.
4.2 Street Begging as Slow-Burning Insecurity
Using the framework of security contagion, the practice of street begging represents not just individual hardship but a spreading insecurity that accumulates over time. This form of insecurity is not marked by dramatic violence or immediate danger, but by the slow erosion of public safety, social order, and confidence in the state’s capacity to care for its most vulnerable citizens. As beggars increase in number and become more visible in public spaces, they inadvertently contribute to an environment of discomfort, unease, and social tension. Importantly, harassment by beggars was also observed. Some beggars were noted to physically grab at passing pedestrians, including holding onto people’s clothes in attempts to solicit more money or attention. This kind of unwanted physical contact added an element of coercion to the interactions, pushing the boundaries between asking for help and forcing a response from the public.
Additionally, there were reports of verbal abuse, with beggars sometimes shouting at passersby who ignored them, calling them “heartless” or “selfish”. There were even instances where beggars, particularly the younger ones, would attempt to intimidate or threaten pedestrians who resisted giving money or pushed through the crowd. This level of harassment complicates the otherwise tragic scenario, introducing a form of social violence into what should be a simple interaction of compassion. The security contagion model helps explain how these tensions build over time, creating an atmosphere where public space becomes a site of both visible and invisible vulnerability, eroding trust and social cohesion in the community.
4.3 People as Infrastructure: Tactical Urbanism from Below
In line with Simone’s (2004) notion of “people as infrastructure,” the beggars in Madina should not be seen as mere passive recipients of charity, but as active agents who tactically navigate the urban landscape. In the absence of state welfare and formal economic opportunities, they forge informal networks of survival, relying on spatial strategies such as positioning themselves at busy intersections, near food vendors, or at market entrances where foot traffic is high. Particularly among children, petty trading becomes a dual-purpose tactic: they sell items like shoe polish, hair brushes, and cotton buds, not only as a source of income, but also as a socially acceptable medium through which to solicit alms. In this way, their presence and practices subtly reconfigure urban spaces, challenging conventional boundaries between informality, vulnerability, and entrepreneurial agency. Despite their marginalised status, these beggars effectively become part of the urban infrastructure, creating an informal economy that circulates both physical and social capital. Their presence, while a sign of failure in the formal urban system, also speaks to the resilience and adaptability of individuals operating within the informal economy. They develop tactical urbanism, using the city’s rhythms, pauses, and flows to sustain themselves in an environment that largely ignores their needs.
4.4 Transnational Insecurity and Foreign Presence
An interesting and important dimension of this study was the increased presence of foreign nationals, particularly from Sahelian countries such as Mali, Niger, and potentially Burkina Faso. These individuals, some of whom spoke Hausa or Fulani, were observed among the beggars, suggesting a cross-border movement of insecurity tied to regional displacement and poverty. These foreign nationals are not just economic migrants but are often fleeing the consequences of regional instability and conflict, further complicating the already fraught urban landscape of Madina. Their presence underscores how insecurity can transcend national borders, making it a regional issue that finds expression in urban areas like Accra, where beggars from different countries converge, often contributing to the growing sense of insecurity in these public spaces.
4.5 Institutional Silence and Urban Desensitisation
A key finding of this study was the lack of institutional response to street begging. Over the three months of observation, there were no interventions from social welfare officers, law enforcement, or municipal authorities. This institutional neglect reinforces the notion that certain forms of insecurity, such as street begging, are viewed as inevitable or even invisible. In many cases, it was as if this form of insecurity had been normalised, no longer seen as urgent or requiring attention. At the same time, there was a noticeable social desensitisation among the public. The habitual presence of beggars in these areas seemed to have led to a collective indifference, where pedestrians routinely ignored the beggars or rushed by without interaction, as if the presence of such vulnerability was just a part of the everyday urban landscape. In some cases, individuals who did engage were met with verbal abuse or aggressive tactics as beggars, feeling entitled to compensation, became more insistent.
5. Conclusion
The findings from the observation underscore the fragility of urban environments like Madina, where growing informal populations become more visible and their struggles more acute. Using the dual lenses of security contagion and Simone’s “people as infrastructure,” it is clear that street begging represents a systemic issue of urban insecurity, one that spreads over time, deepens social tensions, and erodes trust in urban systems. These observations suggest that in the face of institutional neglect and a growing reliance on informal survival strategies, beggars are not merely surviving but actively reshaping the urban space with their presence. However, their harassment of pedestrians and the public’s desensitisation to their plight creates a volatile atmosphere that weakens social cohesion and highlights the urban fragility of Accra. This growing insecurity, if left unchecked, has the potential to undermine the social stability of the city, making it essential for both state intervention and community-based responses to address the root causes of poverty, displacement and marginalisation.
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