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Home ANALYSTS

Preliminary Findings On The Growth Of Gated Communities and Slums In Accra

June 10, 2025
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Preliminary Findings On The Growth Of Gated Communities and Slums In Accra
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Security contagion refers to the phenomenon where insecurity or violent conflict in one area spreads to nearby regions or countries, often through borders, shared communities, or ideological influence. Accra, the capital city of Ghana, stands as a vibrant and bustling metropolis, a city where high-rise buildings and luxury apartments are juxtaposed with sprawling informal settlements (Ablo & Bertelsen, 2022; Obeng-Odoom, 2013). These slums, which emerge on floodplains, buffer zones, and other environmentally sensitive areas, are not just symbols of poverty but also represent a latent security threat (Amoako, 2017). The proliferation of slums in Accra is not merely an outcome of rapid urbanisation; it is a direct consequence of neoliberal policies that have reshaped urban governance, housing, and land use over the past four decades (Addi & Ayambire, 2022; Obeng-Odoom & Amedzro, 2011).

Neoliberalism, a global economic philosophy that emphasises market deregulation, privatisation, and the reduction of state intervention, first took root in Ghana in 1983, just 26 years after independence. Urban housing was a significant component of the government’s social programs from the time of independence, when the state adopted a socialist political ideology (Arku 2009; Gillespie 2018; Konadu-Agyemang 2001). Housing was seen as a human right and wellbeing. Because of this, the state actively and directly contributed to the supply of urban housing and provided support for low-income households; initially, this was done through the construction of public housing in the 1960s, and later, through “self-help” housing initiatives in the 1970s, both based on the principles of basic needs fulfilment and redistribution. Under the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in 1983, Ghana adopted policies that encouraged private sector participation in the economy, reduced state spending on social services, and privatised public enterprises. While these measures were intended to stimulate economic growth, they also had unintended consequences, particularly in the housing sector.

The commodification of urban space and the sale of public lands caused Accra’s housing costs to soar, forcing low-income citizens to the margin of the city. In order to finance mortgages for private developers in the real estate sector, the Home Financing Company was founded in 1990 (Gillespie 2018). A five-year tax holiday for real estate developers, a reduction in corporate tax, and the exemption of stamp duty on homes bought from developers are some further incentives (Asiedu & Arku 2009). Even in the post-SAP age, market-led policy has emerged as the cornerstone of housing provision.  Both local developers and foreign direct investment have demonstrated the influence of market-oriented policy reforms in the substantial experience of commercial housing (Asiedu & Arku 2009; Arku 2009).  The emergence of private-sector housing resulted in the commercialisation of the private rental housing market and the construction of homes aimed at affluent inhabitants. Following these reforms, Accra’s housing industry immediately attracted significant foreign direct investment, which resulted in an excess of high-income housing production. At the same time, these developers, who benefited from government incentives, produced almost no low-income housing (Kusi-Ofosu & Wiredu 2014; Okyere et al. 2018).  The steady rise in the construction of formal housing by private developers has been the private sector’s contribution. Even though Accra’s housing stock increased, between 80% and 85% of it was built by a few small builders and private persons, mostly in the informal sector (Asiedu & Arku 2009; Yankson & Bertrand 2012). Additionally, it was stated that the cost of the homes was comparatively high in relation to the incomes. For example, a two-bedroom house in Accra can cost anywhere between US$30,000 to US$60,000 (Obeng-Odoom, 2013). Many areas of the city became gentrified as a result of rivalry brought about by the rise in speculative development. As emphasised by Afenah (2009) and Fait (2022), gentrification has evolved into a deft manifestation of neoliberal urbanism. The 1980s development of Osu in Accra, which occurred at the expense of the impoverished homes that were forced to leave, is a prime example. Approximately 85% of Accra’s residential developments are pricey gated communities and apartments with western building codes, according to Addi & Ayambire (2022), who aimed to establish the dialectical link between Ghana’s neoliberal housing policy and the presence of slums in Accra.  Furthermore, according to the global property guide, completely furnished apartments in Accra cost between $100,000 and $15,000, which is almost 15% more than the national average (Delmendo, 2021).  The classic primes nodes (see figure 2) below are the sites for these kinds of developments.

Public housing schemes that once provided affordable shelter for the urban poor were dismantled, replaced by high-end real estate projects that catered to the wealthy. A field work by CISA analysts in April, 2025 revealed that the urban poor who are mostly migrants, unable to afford formal housing, resorted to building makeshift shelters on marginal lands, flood-prone areas, railway corridors, and high tension zones, transforming these spaces into densely populated slums. These slums, however, are not just havens for the marginalized; they are ticking time bombs from a security perspective. The concept of security contagion emphasises how instability or insecurity in one area can spread, triggering a chain reaction of crises. Slums in Accra are often characterised by poor sanitation, inadequate infrastructure, and overcrowded living conditions, factors that make them susceptible to health outbreaks such as cholera and malaria (see Aggrey-Korsah & Oppong, 2013,Damte et al., 2023). But beyond health risks, the insecure nature of land tenure in slums means that residents live in constant fear of eviction, creating a climate of tension and mistrust.  For example, Old Fadama, which has received threats of eviction since 2000, was very hostile to a CISA analyst who went there to collect data. The analyst was seen as a spy and asked to delete all the information he recorded after seeking consent from those interviewed. Moreover, the spatial location of slums in buffer zones, areas meant to be left undeveloped for environmental protection poses a direct threat to public safety. Floods have become a perennial problem in Accra, with slums on riverbanks and wetlands bearing the brunt of these disasters. When these communities are inundated, not only do residents lose their homes, but the displacement also creates a surge in crime, as displaced individuals struggle to survive.

The neoliberal restructuring of Accra’s housing market has also led to the rise of speculative real estate practices, where land is treated as a commodity for profit rather than a social good. This speculative development has accelerated the displacement of the poor, pushing them further into informal settlements. The resulting spatial inequality is stark, luxurious gated communities stand in sharp contrast to overcrowded slums, creating a divided cityscape marked by socio-economic tension. To understand the security implications of slum growth in Accra, it is crucial to recognise that these settlements are not simply areas of poverty; they are the product of a policy environment that prioritises profit over people. As these slums expand, they not only expose residents to environmental hazards but also create conditions for crime, violence, and disease, threats that can spill over into other parts of the city. Addressing the security contagion posed by slums in Accra requires a fundamental shift in urban governance. It calls for a return to a rights-based approach to housing, where the state recognizes the right of all citizens to safe, secure, and affordable shelter. It also demands that buffer zones be preserved for their intended environmental purposes, rather than being appropriated for informal housing. Ultimately, the challenge of slum growth in Accra is a test of the city’s commitment to social equity, sustainable development, and human security.

Reference

Ablo, A. D., & Bertelsen, B. E. (2022). A SHADOWY ‘CITY OF LIGHT’: Private Urbanism, Large‐Scale Land Acquisition and Dispossession in Ghana. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 46(3), 370-386. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.13085

Addi, B., & Ayambire, R. A. (2022). Neoliberalism and the growth of slums in Accra, Ghana. SN Social Sciences, 2(11), 1-28. https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-022-00558-7

Afenah, A. (2009). An analysis of the attempted unlawful forced eviction of an informal settlement in Accra. Ghana 139:1–22

Aggrey-Korsah, E., & Oppong, J. (2013). Researching Urban Slum Health in Nima, a Slum in Accra. GeoJournal Library, 109-124. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6732-4_7

Amoako, C (2017). Flood vulnerability and responses in urban informal communities in Accra, Ghana. Doctorate thesis (Monash University)

Arku G (2009) Policy review: housing policy changes in Ghana in the 1990s. Housing Studies 24(2):261–272. https://doi.org/10.1080/02673030902719763

Asiedu, A. B., & Arku, G. (2009). The rise of gated housing estates in Ghana: Empirical insights from three communities in metropolitan Accra. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 24(3), 227-247. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10901-009-9146-0

Damte, E., Manteaw, B. O., & Wrigley-Asante, C. (2023). Urbanization, climate change and health vulnerabilities in slum communities in Ghana. The Journal of Climate Change and Health, 10, 100189. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.joclim.2022.100189

Delmendo, L. C. (2021). Covid-19 hurts Ghana’s high-end property market. www.global property guide.com. May 15, 2025. https://www.globalpropertyguide.com/africa/ghana/price-history

Fält, L. (2020). New urban horizons in Africa: A critical analysis of changing land uses in the             Greater Accra Region, Ghana. Stockholm: Department of Human Geography, Stockholm             University.

Gillespie T (2018) Collective self-help, financial inclusion, and the commons: searching for solutions to Accra’s housing crisis. Housing Policy Debate 28(1):64–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2017.

Konadu-Agyemang K (2001) Structural adjustment programs and housing affordability in Accra, Ghana. Can Geogr 45(4):528–544. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0064.2001.tb01500.x

Obeng-Odoom, F., & Amedzro, L. (2011). Inadequate housing in Ghana. Urbani Izziv, 22(1), 127-            137. https://doi.org/10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2011-22-01-004

Obeng-Odoom, F. (2013). Governance for Pro-Poor Urban Development. Routledge.

Ofosu-Kusi, Y., & Danso-Wiredu, E. Y. (2014). Neoliberalism and Housing Provision in Accra, Ghana: The Illogic of an Over-Liberalised Housing Market. Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 95-109. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06022-4_7

Okyere, A. S., Tasantab, J. C., & Abunyewah , M. (2018). Accra’s informal settlements are easing the city’s urban housing crisis . The Conservaton , 1-5.

Yankson PWK & Bertrand M (2012) Challenges of urbanization in Ghana. The Mobile City of Accra, January 2012, 25–46

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