Introduction
Ghana’s past, as a country, has seen disruptions in its democratic system of governance several times in its history. With the advent of the 1992 Constitution, however, the nation has seen some peace and continuity in its chosen form of governance system democracy, and transitions from one administration to the other.
Democracy, which the people of Ghana have adopted as a form of governance, therefore, is a formal and organised choice by vote of a person for political office or other position.[1]
While this is a generally accepted definition of democratic elections, there are changing dynamics which impact security and the general conduct of elections. These dynamics can undermine the country’s envious credentials and overall credibility of the 2024 upcoming elections and future elections in Ghana.
Ghana’s Electoral System
Ghana’s electoral system is based on an established organisation – The Electoral Commission – made up of a Chairman, two deputies and four other members who are appointed by the President. The electoral system is predicated on universal adult suffrage. The age to be considered an adult to engender participation in Ghana is 18 years. Additionally, the system allows for periodic registration of new persons attaining the age of 18, the periodic organisation of elections and voluntary participation of citizens in the process.
The elections are organised at three levels as follows;
· The presidential elections which are held every four years.[2] The elected candidate then becomes the head of state and also the commander-in-chief of Ghana’s armed forces (The Airforce, the Army and the Navy)
· Parliamentary elections which are also held every four years, based on the election of a single representative for each constituency in Ghana[3].
· District Assembly elections which are also held every four years to elect representatives of electoral areas to the District Assembly. It is important to note that though that this level of elections is organised not along political party lines.
· The Unit Committee Elections are also held every four years to elect representatives to the units[4].
It is interesting to note, however, that a number of the political parties influence the electoral process at the district assembly level by sponsoring candidates, against the prescribed legal process. This provides them with an opportunity to influence the outcome of elections which are conducted along partisan lines.
The Dynamics of Security and Elections
Every four years, Ghanaians sit on tenterhooks as they anxiously await the outcome of elections and the need to move on with their lives. In the last couple of elections, there have been serious security challenges which have undermined the conduct of elections in key parts of the country. These challenges are changing and are beginning to impact elections in ways that call for vigilance, intelligence gathering, risk analysis and profiling.
Some of the issues which have been a challenge in the past include the following;
· Vigilantism. The use of well-built young men, popularly called ‘macho’ men to provide security for one political party or the other during elections. Some of these people act as bodyguards and vigilante groups ostensibly to provide security and ensure the integrity of the electoral process. Naturally, this usually leads to problems as other parties do not trust them, leading to conflicts in the past.[5] Indeed, the issue of vigilantism came to a head in 2019 when a by-election turned violent [6], leading the President to sign a Bill – Vigilantism and Related Offences Act, 2019. While this has criminalized the practice of vigilantism, the challenge remains.
· Registration of first-time Voters. The registration of first-time voters is always a challenge. In some instances, people are bussed from one region to another to register to vote there. There have been incidents of minors being paid money to register to swell the votes of particular parliamentary candidates. More worrying is the accompanying challenges relative to persons who are challenged based on their nationality. Ghana is bordered by Togo to the East, Cote d’Ivoire to the West and Burkina Faso to the North. Naturally, some families straddle the borders and as always occurs in such instances, some nationals live and work across the border. Challenges of voter registration create tensions, accusations and counter-accusations. These tensions occur primarily in the strongholds of the major political parties. While these issues fester every four years, it is a matter of concern that some foreign nationals residing in Ghana do scheme to get voter identification cards, the reasons largely unknown.[7] In more recent times, an unknown political group with billboards all over the country had its spokesperson, a foreign national from Belgium who had acquired a residency permit under false pretences deported from Ghana.[8] This type of interference by a foreign national in the political affairs of another country is usually not tolerated under any circumstances.
· The Media and Political Utterances. The period before an election, usually about eight months before an election is usually referred to in Ghana as the political peak season. This is because politics tends to dominate everything that is done and becomes the focus of discussion on the various talk shows. Sometimes, the utterances that are made, and the allotment of time by the media to these utterances are a major security risk. A recent case in point is the statement by a deputy general secretary of the opposition NDC instructing members and supporters of the party to go into the 2024 polls with guns and machetes. [9] While this in some instances may not be meant literally, it may not be understood by the generality of the supporters of the party and could lead to violence.
Despite the few issues raised above, there are other emerging trends which impact security and the general conduct of peaceful and credible elections. We have seen how some of the issues to be discussed have negatively impacted the elections of other countries. These trends are beginning to show and there is the need to deal with them.
· Social Media. Social media is the technology that allows for the sharing of information, ideas, texts and visuals through virtual networks and platforms. Social media is a big thing in Ghana and has led to a significant reduction in sales for traditional media outlets such as newspapers. It can share information at a very fast pace across various social groupings and platforms. There are instances where it can manipulate the truth and influence the minds of the reading public.
· Media generally. A large part of the media tends to engage in very partisan reportage and can exacerbate tensions if not properly controlled. The incidence of fake news would need to be seriously analysed and nipped as well as calling out unofficial results that may not be right.
· Parts of strongholds as no-go areas. During elections, some parts of the country become no-go areas for other political parties which are considered strongholds of the two major parties.
· Monetization of the process. This issue, though not recent has taken on very alarming proportions. What is worrisome is that the parties have not put in place structures that build on their numerical strengths as a basis for contribution. Instead, there has been reliance on key financiers. The issue of inducement through the provision of money and other logistics tends to influence the process.[10]
· Western Togoland issue. The issue of Western Togoland has gained traction and although the groups are underground, the increasing lack of jobs, poor development and access to services is engendering exclusion and calls for secession. This issue could trigger violence since the separatists have demonstrated a capacity to take state security by surprise when they mounted roadblocks and attacked police stations.[11] Ignacia Madurga-Lopez, writing on this matter stated that In 2019, the Western Togoland Restoration Front (WTRF), a political-military organization that openly advocates armed struggle against the Ghanaian government, was formed. In September 2020, it carried out a unilateral declaration of independence for a sovereign state of Western Togoland. Members of the independentist movement barricaded roads, attacked police stations, and looted arms depots in the Tongu North district. Their leader, Togbe Yesu Kwabla Edudzi, urged Ghanaian security forces to leave the territory. The riots resulted in numerous arrests, several injuries, and one death. The most recent phenomenon was the arrest of six secessionist activists in January 2022 who were on their way to pick up some weapons that were allegedly going to be used to rob the Bank of Ghana.[12] We may not have seen the end of this yet and it can feed into the upcoming elections.
· Computation of Results. Computation of results and putting out the unofficial information could be problematic.
· The ECOWAS Protocols. Ghana is a key member of the regional grouping ECOWAS and its protocols on free movement of people and goods is a good one. However, during elections, there is an increasing suspicion of an influx of people from neighbouring countries to participate in the vote. There have been issues of border closures in the past which can negatively impact relations and how foreigners are viewed during this period. It is important to ensure the verification systems for individuals passing through Ghana are updated and integrated with other platforms to ensure maximum security.
Way Forward
In light of the changing dynamics in security and election-related matters, it is important to deepen the key gains made. The following is recommended for consideration by the national security apparatus and the intelligence community.
1. Development of a risk register that would support the identification of the hotspots to engender effective planning and deployment of the necessary logistics to forestall any problems.
2. Completion of the national identity card issuance to establish those who are citizens and ensure a clean database on which to build the system. The reality is that a few non-Ghanaians may get through today but it should be possible to ensure that nobody slips through if it is handled right.
3. Sanitisation of the airwaves and establishment of a fake news directorate that would deal with misinformation to curb the incidence of incitement.
4. The strict enforcement of the law that proscribes activities of vigilante groups that could foment trouble.
[1] Definition from Oxford Dictionary
[2] See Electoral system – Electoral Commission
[3] ibid
[4] ibid
[10] An interview conducted by CISA shows a respondent indicating having received money in dollars to support and eventually vote for a particular political party
[11] See Western Togoland: a Secessionist Conflict in the Heart of Ghana | Wilson Center
[12] ibid
