{"id":7306,"date":"2026-08-10T12:15:00","date_gmt":"2026-08-10T12:15:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cisanewsletter.com\/?p=7306"},"modified":"2026-08-10T20:55:59","modified_gmt":"2026-08-10T20:55:59","slug":"how-kidnappings-became-a-tool-for-political-protest-terrorism-and-criminality-in-nigeria","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cisanewsletter.com\/index.php\/how-kidnappings-became-a-tool-for-political-protest-terrorism-and-criminality-in-nigeria\/","title":{"rendered":"How Kidnappings Became a Tool for Political Protest, Terrorism and Criminality in Nigeria\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Introduction<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kidnapping in Nigeria is an illegal and forceful abduction and detention of individuals primarily driven by demands for ransom. Over the years, it has evolved into one of Nigeria\u2019s most persistent and destabilising security threats. What began as an instrument of political agitation in the oil-rich Niger Delta has transformed into a sophisticated criminal enterprise and a tactic employed by terrorist organisations. Today, kidnapping serves multiple purposes\u2014from political bargaining and ideological warfare to financing insurgency and organised crime (Hazen & Horner, 2007; Forest, 2012). The growing convergence of political grievances, terrorism and profit-driven criminality has significantly weakened Nigeria\u2019s internal security architecture, undermined public confidence in government institutions, disrupted economic activity, and created a pervasive climate of fear (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The persistence of kidnapping demonstrates not only the adaptability of violent actors but also the complex socio-economic and governance challenges confronting Nigeria. Weak state institutions, corruption, poverty, unemployment and limited security presence in vulnerable communities have created conditions that allow criminal networks and extremist groups to operate effectively (Onuoha, 2013; Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014). Understanding how kidnapping evolved into its present form is essential for designing effective responses capable of restoring national security and protecting vulnerable communities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recent Kidnappings in Nigeria<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although Nigeria has witnessed kidnapping incidents for decades, the nature, frequency and geographical spread of the crime have intensified considerably over the past fifteen years. High-profile mass abductions of schoolchildren, attacks on highways, kidnappings of religious leaders, healthcare workers, business executives and ordinary commuters have become recurring features of Nigeria\u2019s security landscape (International Crisis Group, 2020; Council on Foreign Relations, 2024). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2014 abduction of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok by Boko Haram marked a turning point in global awareness of Nigeria\u2019s kidnapping crisis. The incident sparked the international #BringBackOurGirls campaign and demonstrated how mass abductions could function simultaneously as terrorist tactics, psychological warfare and global propaganda strategies (Cook, 2014; Zenn, 2020). Boko Haram\u2019s use of kidnapping reflected a broader strategy aimed at challenging state authority, attracting international attention and generating resources for insurgent operations (Forest, 2012). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since then, numerous attacks on schools across states including Kaduna, Zamfara, Katsina, Niger and Kebbi have demonstrated that educational institutions remain attractive targets because of their vulnerability, symbolic importance and ability to generate public attention (International Crisis Group, 2021). The 2020 kidnapping of more than 300 schoolboys from Government Science Secondary School in Kankara, Katsina State, and the 2021 abduction of students from Government Science College, Kagara, Niger State, further illustrated the expansion of kidnapping beyond Boko Haram-controlled areas into the broader criminal economy of armed banditry (Onuoha, 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond schools, criminal gangs commonly target highways, rural communities and affluent individuals for ransom payments. The expansion of kidnapping across north-western and north-central Nigeria reflects the convergence of armed banditry, terrorism and organised criminal networks. These groups exploit weak state presence, difficult terrain, porous borders and economic deprivation to sustain their operations (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019; International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

History of Kidnapping in Nigeria<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The historical roots of kidnapping in Nigeria extend beyond contemporary insecurity. Scholars argue that practices resembling abduction have existed within broader systems of warfare, slavery, political domination and economic exploitation across West Africa (Lovejoy, 2012). During the transatlantic slave trade, millions of Africans were forcibly captured and transported across the Atlantic, creating historical precedents for organised systems of human capture and exploitation (Lovejoy, 2012; Fage, 1969). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Within the Nigerian context, historical accounts indicate that coercive forms of human capture were associated with political conflicts, inter-community warfare and economic exchanges before and during European colonial expansion (Ryder, 1969). In the Niger Delta, tensions surrounding colonial trade systems, resource extraction and later petroleum exploitation contributed to longstanding grievances between local communities, the Nigerian state and multinational oil companies (Watts, 2004). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, contemporary kidnapping as a political and criminal phenomenon became more prominent during the post-colonial period, particularly in the Niger Delta, where communities expressed frustration over environmental degradation, economic marginalisation and perceived exclusion from oil wealth distribution (Obi, 2009; Watts, 2008). These grievances later contributed to the emergence of militant groups that adopted kidnapping as a strategy for political bargaining and economic pressure. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These historical developments illustrate that kidnapping in Nigeria has not existed solely as an ordinary criminal offence but has been closely connected to broader political, economic and social struggles. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Evolution of Kidnapping in Nigeria<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nigeria\u2019s contemporary kidnapping crisis evolved through three interconnected phases. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  1. Political Protest and Militancy<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    The first phase emerged following Nigeria\u2019s return to democratic governance in 1999. Militants in the Niger Delta adopted kidnapping primarily as a political instrument to compel the federal government and multinational oil companies to address longstanding grievances concerning environmental destruction, poverty, underdevelopment and inequitable distribution of oil revenues (Obi, 2009; Watts, 2008). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Groups such as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) targeted oil workers, expatriates and government officials. Kidnapping was often framed as a political message rather than purely a financial enterprise. Victims were frequently released after negotiations, and militants used ransom demands and hostage-taking to draw attention to their demands and increase bargaining power (Hazen & Horner, 2007). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The Nigerian government responded through initiatives including the establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), creation of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the introduction of the 2009 Presidential Amnesty Programme for former militants. While the amnesty programme reduced large-scale militancy, researchers argue that it did not fully address underlying grievances or eliminate criminal networks that had developed around oil-related conflicts (Aghedo, 2012). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      \n
    1. Commercialisation of Kidnapping<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

      The second phase witnessed the gradual transformation of kidnapping from a politically motivated strategy into a lucrative criminal enterprise. As ransom payments became increasingly profitable, criminal actors who had little or no ideological commitment entered the kidnapping economy. The practice expanded beyond expatriate oil workers and political figures to include business executives, wealthy individuals, students, religious leaders and ordinary citizens (Hazen & Horner, 2007; Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      The profitability of ransom kidnapping created incentives for criminal networks to professionalise their operations. Armed groups began developing intelligence networks to identify potential victims, monitor movements and negotiate ransom payments. In many cases, kidnapping became a low-risk, high-reward enterprise because of weak law enforcement capacity, corruption and limited prosecution of perpetrators (Onuoha, 2013; International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      The distinction between politically motivated militants and profit-driven criminals became increasingly blurred. Former militant networks, unemployed youths and organised criminal groups exploited existing weapons, logistics and social networks developed during periods of conflict. Consequently, kidnapping became embedded within broader systems of organised crime rather than remaining exclusively connected to political grievances (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Some researchers argue that the commercialisation of kidnapping reflects the emergence of an illicit economy in which multiple actors\u2014including criminals, informants, corrupt officials and intermediaries\u2014may benefit from ransom transactions (Aning & Aubyn, 2013). This economic dimension has made kidnapping particularly difficult to eliminate because it provides financial incentives for continued criminal activity. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        \n
      1. Terrorism and Organised Crime<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

        The third phase of Nigeria\u2019s kidnapping crisis involves the integration of abduction into terrorist and insurgent strategies. Groups such as Boko Haram, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Ansaru have used kidnapping as a tool for financing operations, securing prisoner exchanges, recruiting members and spreading fear among civilian populations (Forest, 2012; Zenn, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Boko Haram\u2019s abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls in 2014 demonstrated the strategic value of kidnapping for terrorist organisations. Beyond holding victims for ransom or negotiation, mass abductions allow extremist groups to challenge state authority, generate international publicity and project power beyond areas under their direct control (Cook, 2014; Zenn, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        ISWAP has similarly incorporated kidnapping into its operational model, particularly in areas where it seeks to establish influence over communities and generate resources. The group\u2019s activities demonstrate the increasing connection between terrorism and criminal economies, where insurgent organisations rely on illegal taxation, kidnapping, extortion and smuggling to sustain their activities (International Crisis Group, 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        At the same time, armed bandit groups operating primarily in north-western Nigeria have adopted kidnapping as their main source of revenue. These groups frequently target rural communities, farmers, travellers and schools, exploiting weak security presence and difficult geographical conditions (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019). Although many bandit groups lack a clear ideological agenda, their activities increasingly overlap with terrorist networks through arms trafficking, recruitment and operational cooperation (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Kidnapping has therefore evolved into a multidimensional security threat driven simultaneously by ideology, economics and criminal opportunism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Threats to Nigeria\u2019s Security<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The evolution of kidnapping poses profound implications for Nigeria\u2019s national security. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

          \n
        1. Undermining State Authority<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

          First, persistent kidnapping undermines state legitimacy by exposing weaknesses in intelligence gathering, policing, border management and law enforcement. When citizens perceive that government institutions cannot protect them, confidence in state authority declines, creating space for vigilante groups and self-defence organisations to emerge (Onuoha, 2013; International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

          While community-based security initiatives can provide immediate protection, poorly regulated vigilante groups may also contribute to cycles of violence, human rights abuses and further insecurity (Ezeibe, 2020). The inability of the state to maintain effective control over vulnerable areas therefore represents a significant challenge to Nigeria\u2019s national security framework. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            \n
          1. Economic Consequences<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

            Second, kidnapping imposes significant economic costs. Persistent insecurity discourages investment, increases business operating expenses and damages perceptions of Nigeria as a safe destination for economic activity (Oyemwinmina & Osazuwa, 2016). Businesses operating in affected regions often spend additional resources on private security, insurance and risk management. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            Agriculture, one of Nigeria\u2019s largest employment sectors, has also been negatively affected. Farmers in several northern states have abandoned their lands because of attacks and threats from armed groups, contributing to reduced food production and worsening economic hardship (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

            Transportation networks have equally suffered as highways have become frequent sites of abduction. Increased insecurity on major roads raises the cost of movement, affects supply chains and discourages economic interaction between communities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

              \n
            1. Impact on Education<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

              Third, kidnapping has severely affected Nigeria\u2019s education sector, particularly in northern states. Schools have increasingly become targets because they provide large numbers of vulnerable victims and generate significant media attention (International Crisis Group, 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

              The Chibok abductions and subsequent attacks on schools in Zamfara, Kaduna, Niger and Katsina contributed to prolonged school closures and increased parental fears about sending children to school. The consequences extend beyond immediate insecurity, threatening educational attainment and reinforcing existing inequalities affecting children in vulnerable communities (UNICEF, 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

              The targeting of schools also represents a broader attack on human development because education is essential for reducing poverty, unemployment and vulnerability to extremist recruitment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                \n
              1. Strengthening Terrorist and Criminal Networks<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

                Fourth, kidnapping strengthens terrorist and criminal organisations by providing financial resources that support weapons acquisition, recruitment and operational expansion. Ransom payments can enable groups to purchase arms, pay fighters and establish stronger territorial influence (Forest, 2012; Zenn, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                The financial success of kidnapping creates a cycle in which successful operations encourage further attacks. Criminal groups learn from previous experiences, improve their methods and expand into new areas, making kidnapping an increasingly resilient security challenge. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  \n
                1. Social Cohesion and National Unity<\/strong>\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

                  Finally, widespread kidnapping damages social cohesion. Fear, displacement and distrust between communities and government institutions deepen ethnic and regional tensions. Communities affected by repeated attacks may feel abandoned by the state, reinforcing perceptions of marginalisation and exclusion (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  The psychological impact of kidnapping also extends beyond victims and their families. Persistent insecurity affects daily life, limits freedom of movement and creates a culture of fear that weakens social relationships and democratic participation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Recommendations and Solutions<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Addressing Nigeria\u2019s kidnapping crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that combines security responses with governance reforms and socio-economic interventions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Strengthening Intelligence-Led Security Operations<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  The Nigerian government should prioritise intelligence-driven policing rather than relying primarily on military deployments after attacks occur. Improved coordination among security agencies, better information sharing and investment in surveillance technology are essential for identifying criminal networks before attacks happen (Onuoha, 2013). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Security agencies should develop stronger analytical capabilities, including intelligence gathering from local communities, financial tracking of ransom networks and monitoring of arms trafficking routes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Security Sector Reform<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Security sector reform remains critical. Police and military institutions require improved training, equipment, welfare support and accountability mechanisms to respond effectively to sophisticated criminal organisations (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  The Nigerian Police Force, which has primary responsibility for internal security, requires greater investment in personnel, technology and community relations. Effective policing must also include mechanisms to prevent corruption and ensure public trust. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Community-Based Security and Early Warning Systems<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Communities should be integrated into formal security structures through carefully regulated community policing initiatives. Local residents often possess valuable information about criminal movements and suspicious activities that security agencies may not easily obtain (Akinyetun, 2021). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  However, community participation must operate within legal frameworks to prevent abuses by informal armed groups. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Addressing Socio-Economic Drivers<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Security measures alone cannot eliminate kidnapping without addressing underlying social and economic vulnerabilities. High unemployment, poverty, youth exclusion and limited educational opportunities create conditions that criminal organisations exploit for recruitment (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Government investment in education, vocational training, employment opportunities and rural development can reduce incentives for young people to join criminal networks. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Strengthening Border Management and Regional Cooperation<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Nigeria should strengthen border security and cooperation with neighbouring countries, particularly Niger, Chad and Cameroon. Many criminal and extremist networks operate across national boundaries, benefiting from porous borders and weak monitoring systems (Onuoha, 2013). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Regional cooperation through organisations such as the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) remains important for combating terrorism, arms trafficking and cross-border criminal activities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Tackling Corruption and Improving Justice Systems<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Anti-corruption measures must accompany security reforms. Effective prosecution of kidnappers, accomplices and individuals who facilitate ransom payments is necessary to increase deterrence and restore public confidence in justice institutions (International Crisis Group, 2020). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Without accountability, kidnapping remains an attractive criminal enterprise because perpetrators believe they can operate with limited consequences. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Regional Implications\u00a0For\u00a0West Africa<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  The evolution of kidnapping in Nigeria has important implications beyond its national borders, particularly for neighbouring West African states. The free movement of persons under the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment has significantly enhanced regional integration and economic cooperation. However, these same open borders can also be exploited by transnational criminal networks involved in kidnapping, arms trafficking and human smuggling. Criminal groups are increasingly able to operate across national boundaries, making kidnapping not only a domestic security issue but also a regional one that requires coordinated responses among ECOWAS member states. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Ghana, for instance, has traditionally been regarded as one of the more secure countries in West Africa, yet recent incidents demonstrate that it is not immune to the growing kidnapping economy. One notable example is the 2019 Takoradi girls kidnapping case, in which four young girls were abducted in the Western Region. Investigations revealed that ransom demands had been made, highlighting how kidnapping for financial gain had begun to emerge within Ghana’s criminal landscape. The case generated widespread public concern, exposed weaknesses in investigative capacity and demonstrated the devastating human and psychological consequences of kidnapping for victims, families and communities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  The Nigerian experience provides several important lessons for Ghana. First, early intervention is essential. Nigeria’s experience illustrates how kidnapping can rapidly evolve from isolated criminal acts into an organised criminal enterprise if preventive measures are not implemented. Second, Ghanaian security agencies should strengthen intelligence gathering, inter-agency collaboration and surveillance of criminal networks before kidnapping becomes deeply entrenched. Third, enhanced cooperation among ECOWAS member states is necessary to improve intelligence sharing, joint border patrols, extradition arrangements and coordinated law enforcement operations against transnational criminal organisations. Finally, public awareness campaigns, community policing and prompt reporting mechanisms should be strengthened to improve early detection and response. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Given the increasingly transnational nature of organised crime in West Africa, combating kidnapping requires collective regional action in addition to national security reforms. Stronger ECOWAS security cooperation, improved border management and coordinated intelligence-sharing mechanisms will be essential to preventing the spread of kidnapping as a profitable criminal enterprise across the sub-region.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Conclusion<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Kidnapping in Nigeria has undergone a significant transformation over several decades. What originated partly as a mechanism of political protest within the Niger Delta has evolved into one of the country\u2019s most profitable criminal enterprises and a major tactic employed by terrorist organisations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  This transformation reflects deeper governance challenges, socio-economic inequalities and weaknesses within Nigeria\u2019s security institutions. The transition from militant activism to commercial criminality demonstrates how unresolved grievances and weak state capacity can allow violent practices to evolve and spread. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Breaking Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis requires more than military intervention. A sustainable solution requires an integrated approach combining intelligence-led security operations, institutional reform, economic development, community resilience and effective justice systems. Furthermore, because kidnapping increasingly transcends national borders, effective responses will require stronger regional cooperation among ECOWAS member states to disrupt transnational criminal networks, improve intelligence sharing, strengthen border security and prevent the spread of ransom-based criminality across West Africa. Unless Nigeria addresses both the immediate security threat and the structural conditions that enable kidnapping, while working collaboratively with its regional partners, the crime will continue to undermine national stability, weaken democratic institutions and threaten long-term development. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Unless Nigeria addresses both the immediate security threat and the structural conditions that enable kidnapping, the crime will continue to undermine national stability, weaken democratic institutions and threaten long-term development. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  References <\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Aghedo, I. (2012). Winning the war, losing the peace: Amnesty and the challenges of post-conflict peace-building in the Niger Delta, Nigeria. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 47<\/em>(4), 443\u2013461. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Akinyetun, T. S. (2021). Kidnapping and governance crisis in Nigeria: Implications for national security<\/em>. African Security Review<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Aning, K., & Aubyn, F. (2013). The Nigerian security crisis: Understanding the dynamics of Boko Haram<\/em>. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Cook, D. (2014). Boko Haram: A prognosis. CTC Sentinel, 7<\/em>(6), 1\u20138. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Council on Foreign Relations. (2024). Nigeria Security Tracker<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  ECOWAS. (1979). Protocol A\/P.1\/5\/79 Relating to Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment.<\/em> Economic Community of West African States. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Ezeibe, C. (2020). Political economy of insecurity and state fragility in Nigeria. African Security Review<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Fage, J. D. (1969). A history of Africa<\/em>. Hutchinson. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Forest, J. J. F. (2012). Confronting the terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria<\/em>. JSOU Press. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Ghana Police Service. (2019). Updates on the Takoradi Kidnapping Investigation.<\/em> Accra: Ghana Police Service. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Hazen, J. M., & Horner, J. (2007). Small arms, armed violence, and insecurity in Nigeria: The Niger Delta in perspective<\/em>. Small Arms Survey. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  International Crisis Group. (2021). Violence in Nigeria’s North West: Rolling back the mayhem<\/em> (Africa Report No. 288). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Lovejoy, P. E. (2012). Transformations in slavery: A history of slavery in Africa<\/em>. Cambridge University Press. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Obi, C. (2009). Nigeria’s Niger Delta: Understanding the complex drivers of violent oil-related conflict. Africa Development, 34<\/em>(2), 103\u2013128. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Okoli, A. C., & Okpaleke, F. (2014). Banditry and crisis of public safety in Nigeria: Issues in national security strategies. European Scientific Journal, 10<\/em>(4), 350\u2013362. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Okoli, A. C., & Ugwu, A. (2019). Of marauders and brigands: Scoping the threat of rural banditry in Nigeria’s north west. Brazilian Journal of African Studies, 4<\/em>(8), 201\u2013222. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Onuoha, F. C. (2013). Porous borders and Boko Haram’s arms smuggling operations in Nigeria<\/em>. Al Jazeera Centre for Studies. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  UNICEF. (2021). Education under threat in Nigeria: The impact of insecurity on children’s learning<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Watts, M. (2004). Resource curse? Governmentality, oil and power in the Niger Delta, Nigeria. Geopolitics, 9<\/em>(1), 50\u201380. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Watts, M. (2008). The rule of oil: Petro-politics and the anatomy of an insurgency. In Nigeria: Political transition and development prospects<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Zenn, J. (2020). Unmasking Boko Haram: Exploring global jihad in Nigeria<\/em>. Lynne Rienner Publishers. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

                  Introduction  Kidnapping in Nigeria is an illegal and forceful abduction and detention of individuals primarily driven by demands for ransom. Over the years, it has evolved into one of Nigeria\u2019s most persistent and destabilising security threats. 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Over the years, it has evolved into one of Nigeria\u2019s most persistent and destabilising security threats. 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