Source : Blog du PRIF<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\nDes armes provenant des stocks libyens, notamment des fusils d’assaut, des canons antia\u00e9riens et des explosifs, ont afflu\u00e9 dans les \u00c9tats voisins. Ces armes sont parvenues \u00e0 des groupes d’insurg\u00e9s et de terroristes tels qu’Al-Qa\u00efda au Maghreb islamique (AQMI), l’\u00c9tat islamique dans le Grand Sahara (ISGS) et Boko Haram, renfor\u00e7ant consid\u00e9rablement leurs capacit\u00e9s op\u00e9rationnelles (ONUDC, 2021). Les donn\u00e9es empiriques de l’Institut international de recherche sur la paix de Stockholm (SIPRI) montrent que nombre de ces armes sont achemin\u00e9es via le Niger et le Mali, en exploitant des itin\u00e9raires commerciaux mal surveill\u00e9s et des fonctionnaires frontaliers corrompus (SIPRI, 2020). <\/p>\n\n
Au Burkina Faso, l’expansion de la violence djihadiste est fortement li\u00e9e aux flux d’armes illicites. Les attaques contre les avant-postes militaires et les populations civiles sont souvent men\u00e9es \u00e0 l’aide d’armes sophistiqu\u00e9es, dont une grande partie provient de r\u00e9seaux de trafiquants r\u00e9gionaux. L’armement des forces de d\u00e9fense volontaires par le gouvernement, bien qu’il s’agisse d’une mesure anti-insurrectionnelle n\u00e9cessaire, a contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 la poursuite de la prolif\u00e9ration. De m\u00eame, au Mali, divers acteurs arm\u00e9s, notamment des s\u00e9paratistes, des djihadistes et des milices ethniques, ont profit\u00e9 de l’acc\u00e8s aux armes illicites pour affirmer leur contr\u00f4le sur le territoire et d\u00e9fier l’\u00c9tat (Thurston, 2020). <\/p>\n\n
L’exp\u00e9rience du Nigeria permet de mieux comprendre l’impact du trafic d’armes sur la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 r\u00e9gionale. Au-del\u00e0 du nord-est, o\u00f9 Boko Haram op\u00e8re, les r\u00e9gions du centre-nord et du nord-ouest ont connu des niveaux croissants de violence communautaire et de banditisme criminel. Selon Edeko (2011), la facilit\u00e9 d’acc\u00e8s aux armes \u00e0 feu a intensifi\u00e9 les conflits entre \u00e9leveurs et agriculteurs et transform\u00e9 les diff\u00e9rends locaux en affrontements mortels. Les armes sont pass\u00e9es en contrebande \u00e0 travers les fronti\u00e8res poreuses avec le Tchad, le Niger et le Cameroun, ou d\u00e9tourn\u00e9es des stocks de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 mal gard\u00e9s. Cette situation a sap\u00e9 la stabilit\u00e9 interne et contribu\u00e9 aux probl\u00e8mes plus g\u00e9n\u00e9raux de gouvernance du Nigeria (Onuoha, 2013). <\/p>\n\n
Les implications du trafic d’armes vont au-del\u00e0 de la violence imm\u00e9diate. Les flux d’armes illicites sapent les efforts de d\u00e9sarmement et de consolidation de la paix, affaiblissent la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 des forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l’\u00c9tat et accroissent la militarisation des espaces civils (Muggah, 2006). Les groupes d’autod\u00e9fense communautaires, souvent constitu\u00e9s en r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 la d\u00e9faillance de l’\u00c9tat, sont devenus \u00e0 la fois un sympt\u00f4me et une source d’ins\u00e9curit\u00e9. Dans de nombreux cas, ces groupes op\u00e8rent sans contr\u00f4le formel, ce qui conduit \u00e0 des cycles de violence de vengeance et \u00e0 une d\u00e9stabilisation accrue (Florquin & King, 2018). <\/p>\n\n
Les efforts r\u00e9gionaux visant \u00e0 freiner la prolif\u00e9ration des armes comprennent la Convention de la CEDEAO sur les armes l\u00e9g\u00e8res et de petit calibre, adopt\u00e9e en 2006. Cette convention donne mandat aux \u00c9tats membres pour contr\u00f4ler la production, le transfert et la possession d’armes. Toutefois, sa mise en \u0153uvre a \u00e9t\u00e9 entrav\u00e9e par des capacit\u00e9s institutionnelles limit\u00e9es, une application incoh\u00e9rente et l’instabilit\u00e9 politique (Aning, 2005). Malgr\u00e9 le soutien des donateurs internationaux et des programmes d’assistance technique, la conformit\u00e9 nationale reste in\u00e9gale en Afrique de l’Ouest. En outre, la coordination entre les agences de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 frontali\u00e8re est souvent faible, les m\u00e9canismes de partage de renseignements \u00e9tant soit sous-d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s, soit mal financ\u00e9s (UNREC, 2016). <\/p>\n\n
Pour limiter la prolif\u00e9ration des armes et l’instabilit\u00e9 qui en r\u00e9sulte, une approche globale et coop\u00e9rative est n\u00e9cessaire. Il s’agit notamment d’investir dans des technologies avanc\u00e9es de surveillance des fronti\u00e8res, d’am\u00e9liorer le marquage, le tra\u00e7age et l’enregistrement des armes, et de renforcer les syst\u00e8mes r\u00e9gionaux d’\u00e9change de renseignements. Les acteurs internationaux peuvent soutenir ces efforts en alignant l’aide sur les objectifs de d\u00e9sarmement et en fournissant un financement durable pour le renforcement des capacit\u00e9s. <\/p>\n\n
En raison des d\u00e9fis \u00e9num\u00e9r\u00e9s ci-dessus, le probl\u00e8me du trafic d’armes n\u00e9cessite une approche r\u00e9gionale \u00e0 multiples facettes. La CEDEAO doit \u00eatre impliqu\u00e9e et une approche r\u00e9gionale n\u00e9cessiterait d’intenses discussions diplomatiques pour impliquer les pays de l’AES o\u00f9 les insurg\u00e9s sont les plus actifs. La fabrication locale d’armes l\u00e9g\u00e8res et de petit calibre doit \u00eatre discut\u00e9e en m\u00eame temps que la mise en place d’autres activit\u00e9s g\u00e9n\u00e9ratrices de revenus. <\/p>\n\n
En fin de compte, la lutte contre le trafic d’armes en Afrique de l’Ouest doit faire partie d’une strat\u00e9gie plus large qui s’attaque aux causes profondes des conflits, telles que la pauvret\u00e9, la marginalisation et la faible gouvernance (Karp, 2014).<\/p>\n\n
R\u00e9f\u00e9rences<\/strong><\/p>\n\nAning, K. (2005). The anatomy of Ghana’s secret arms industry (L’anatomie de l’industrie secr\u00e8te de l’armement du Ghana). African Security Review, 14(4), 115-126. <\/p>\n\n
Edeko, S. E. (2011). La prolif\u00e9ration des armes l\u00e9g\u00e8res et de petit calibre en Afrique : A case study of the Niger Delta in Nigeria. Sacha Journal of Environmental Studies, 1(2), 55-80. <\/p>\n\n
Florquin, N. et King, B. (2018). Du l\u00e9gal au l\u00e9tal : les armes \u00e0 feu converties en Europe. Small Arms Survey. <\/p>\n\n
Karp, A. (2014). Mesurer l’impact des armes \u00e0 feu sur la violence. Dans Small Arms Survey 2014 : Women and Guns (pp. 9-39). Cambridge University Press. <\/p>\n\n
Muggah, R. (2006). Pas de solution miracle : Une perspective critique sur le d\u00e9sarmement, la d\u00e9mobilisation et la r\u00e9int\u00e9gration (DDR) et la r\u00e9duction des armes dans les contextes post-conflit. The Round Table, 94(379), 239-252. <\/p>\n\n
Onuoha, F. C. (2013). L’\u00c9tat et la gestion de la violence religieuse au Nigeria : Le cas de l’insurrection de Boko Haram. Revue africaine de s\u00e9curit\u00e9, 22(3), 45-52. <\/p>\n\n
SIPRI. (2020). Flux d’armes vers les zones de conflit : Lessons from Libya. Institut international de recherche sur la paix de Stockholm. <\/p>\n\n
Small Arms Survey. (2018). Estimation du nombre d’armes \u00e0 feu d\u00e9tenues par des civils dans le monde. Gen\u00e8ve : Institut universitaire de hautes \u00e9tudes internationales et du d\u00e9veloppement. <\/p>\n\n
Schwarz, M. (2020). Des transferts l\u00e9gaux aux transferts ill\u00e9gaux : Implications r\u00e9gionales des flux d’armes vers la Libye. <\/p>\n\n
Thurston, A. (2020). Jihadists of North Africa and the Sahel : Local politics and rebel groups (Djihadistes d’Afrique du Nord et du Sahel : politiques locales et groupes rebelles). Cambridge University Press. <\/p>\n\n
UNODC. (2021). Trafic d’armes \u00e0 feu au Sahel. Office des Nations unies contre la drogue et le crime. UNREC. (2016). \u00c9valuation de la mise en \u0153uvre de la Convention de la CEDEAO sur les armes l\u00e9g\u00e8res et de petit calibre. Centre r\u00e9gional des Nations unies pour la paix et le d\u00e9sarmement en Afrique. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
La prolif\u00e9ration des armes l\u00e9g\u00e8res et de petit calibre (ALPC) en Afrique de l’Ouest contribue largement \u00e0 l’aggravation de l’ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 dans la r\u00e9gion. Cette dynamique alimente et soutient les insurrections, les conflits civils et la criminalit\u00e9 organis\u00e9e. L’Afrique de l’Ouest, en particulier, souffre de la porosit\u00e9 de ses fronti\u00e8res, de la faiblesse de ses institutions […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":5906,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"content-type":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":[],"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_social_meta":[],"jnews_review":[],"enable_review":"","type":"","name":"","summary":"","brand":"","sku":"","good":[],"bad":[],"score_override":"","override_value":"","rating":[],"price":[],"jnews_override_counter":[],"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[187],"tags":[226,250,252],"class_list":["post-5976","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analyse","tag-2025-fr","tag-9e-edition-2025","tag-semaine1"],"yoast_head":"\n
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