{"id":5356,"date":"2025-06-10T00:05:51","date_gmt":"2025-06-10T00:05:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cisanewsletter.com\/index.php\/conclusions-preliminaires-sur-la-croissance-des-communautes-fermees-et-des-bidonvilles-a-accra\/"},"modified":"2025-06-01T05:58:46","modified_gmt":"2025-06-01T05:58:46","slug":"conclusions-preliminaires-sur-la-croissance-des-communautes-fermees-et-des-bidonvilles-a-accra","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cisanewsletter.com\/fr\/index.php\/conclusions-preliminaires-sur-la-croissance-des-communautes-fermees-et-des-bidonvilles-a-accra\/","title":{"rendered":"Conclusions pr\u00e9liminaires sur la croissance des communaut\u00e9s ferm\u00e9es et des bidonvilles \u00e0 Accra"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

La contagion de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 est le ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne par lequel l’ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 ou les conflits violents dans une zone se propagent aux r\u00e9gions ou pays voisins, souvent par le biais des fronti\u00e8res, des communaut\u00e9s partag\u00e9es ou de l’influence id\u00e9ologique. Accra, la capitale du Ghana, est une m\u00e9tropole dynamique et anim\u00e9e, une ville o\u00f9 les gratte-ciel et les appartements de luxe sont juxtapos\u00e9s \u00e0 des bidonvilles tentaculaires (Ablo & Bertelsen, 2022 ; Obeng-Odoom, 2013). Ces bidonvilles, qui apparaissent dans les plaines inondables, les zones tampons et d’autres zones \u00e9cologiquement sensibles, ne sont pas seulement des symboles de pauvret\u00e9, mais repr\u00e9sentent \u00e9galement une menace latente pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 (Amoako, 2017). La prolif\u00e9ration des bidonvilles \u00e0 Accra n’est pas seulement le r\u00e9sultat d’une urbanisation rapide ; c’est une cons\u00e9quence directe des politiques n\u00e9olib\u00e9rales qui ont remodel\u00e9 la gouvernance urbaine, le logement et l’utilisation des terres au cours des quatre derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies (Addi & Ayambire, 2022 ; Obeng-Odoom & Amedzro, 2011). <\/p>\n\n

Le n\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme, une philosophie \u00e9conomique mondiale qui met l’accent sur la d\u00e9r\u00e9glementation des march\u00e9s, la privatisation et la r\u00e9duction de l’intervention de l’\u00c9tat, a pris racine au Ghana pour la premi\u00e8re fois en 1983, 26 ans seulement apr\u00e8s l’ind\u00e9pendance. Le logement urbain \u00e9tait une composante importante des programmes sociaux du gouvernement d\u00e8s l’ind\u00e9pendance, lorsque l’\u00c9tat a adopt\u00e9 une id\u00e9ologie politique socialiste (Arku 2009 ; Gillespie 2018 ; Konadu-Agyemang 2001). Le logement \u00e9tait consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme un droit de l’homme et un bien-\u00eatre. C’est pourquoi l’\u00c9tat a contribu\u00e9 activement et directement \u00e0 l’offre de logements urbains et a apport\u00e9 son soutien aux m\u00e9nages \u00e0 faible revenu, d’abord par la construction de logements publics dans les ann\u00e9es 1960, puis par des initiatives de logement \u00ab\u00a0d’auto-assistance\u00a0\u00bb dans les ann\u00e9es 1970, toutes deux fond\u00e9es sur les principes de satisfaction des besoins fondamentaux et de redistribution. Dans le cadre du programme d’ajustement structurel (PAS) prescrit par le Fonds mon\u00e9taire international (FMI) et la Banque mondiale en 1983, le Ghana a adopt\u00e9 des politiques encourageant la participation du secteur priv\u00e9 \u00e0 l’\u00e9conomie, r\u00e9duisant les d\u00e9penses de l’\u00c9tat en mati\u00e8re de services sociaux et privatisant les entreprises publiques. Si ces mesures \u00e9taient destin\u00e9es \u00e0 stimuler la croissance \u00e9conomique, elles ont \u00e9galement eu des cons\u00e9quences inattendues, notamment dans le secteur du logement. <\/p>\n\n

La marchandisation de l’espace urbain et la vente de terrains publics ont fait exploser les co\u00fbts du logement \u00e0 Accra, for\u00e7ant les citoyens \u00e0 faible revenu \u00e0 se r\u00e9fugier en marge de la ville. La Home Financing Company a \u00e9t\u00e9 cr\u00e9\u00e9e en 1990 pour financer les pr\u00eats hypoth\u00e9caires des promoteurs immobiliers priv\u00e9s (Gillespie 2018). Une exon\u00e9ration fiscale de cinq ans pour les promoteurs immobiliers, une r\u00e9duction de l’imp\u00f4t sur les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s et l’exon\u00e9ration du droit de timbre sur les logements achet\u00e9s \u00e0 des promoteurs sont d’autres mesures incitatives (Asiedu & Arku 2009). M\u00eame dans l \u00ab \u00e8re post-SAP, la politique ax\u00e9e sur le march\u00e9 s’est impos\u00e9e comme la pierre angulaire de l’offre de logements. Les promoteurs locaux et les investissements directs \u00e9trangers ont d\u00e9montr\u00e9 l’influence des r\u00e9formes politiques orient\u00e9es vers le march\u00e9 dans l’exp\u00e9rience substantielle du logement commercial (Asiedu & Arku 2009 ; Arku 2009). L \u00bb \u00e9mergence du secteur priv\u00e9 du logement s’est traduite par la commercialisation du march\u00e9 du logement locatif priv\u00e9 et la construction de logements destin\u00e9s aux habitants ais\u00e9s. Suite \u00e0 ces r\u00e9formes, l’industrie du logement d’Accra a imm\u00e9diatement attir\u00e9 d’importants investissements directs \u00e9trangers, ce qui a entra\u00een\u00e9 un exc\u00e8s de production de logements \u00e0 hauts revenus. Dans le m\u00eame temps, ces promoteurs, qui b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiaient d’incitations gouvernementales, n’ont pratiquement pas produit de logements \u00e0 faible revenu (Kusi-Ofosu & Wiredu 2014 ; Okyere et al. 2018). L’augmentation constante de la construction de logements formels par des promoteurs priv\u00e9s a \u00e9t\u00e9 la contribution du secteur priv\u00e9. M\u00eame si le parc immobilier d’Accra a augment\u00e9, entre 80 et 85 % de ces logements ont \u00e9t\u00e9 construits par quelques petits constructeurs et particuliers, principalement dans le secteur informel (Asiedu & Arku 2009 ; Yankson & Bertrand 2012). En outre, il a \u00e9t\u00e9 indiqu\u00e9 que le co\u00fbt des logements \u00e9tait comparativement \u00e9lev\u00e9 par rapport aux revenus. Par exemple, une maison de deux chambres \u00e0 Accra peut co\u00fbter entre 30 000 et 60 000 USD (Obeng-Odoom, 2013). De nombreux quartiers de la ville se sont embourgeois\u00e9s en raison de la rivalit\u00e9 engendr\u00e9e par l’essor du d\u00e9veloppement sp\u00e9culatif. Comme le soulignent Afenah (2009) et Fait (2022), la gentrification est devenue une manifestation habile de l’urbanisme n\u00e9olib\u00e9ral. Le d\u00e9veloppement d’Osu \u00e0 Accra dans les ann\u00e9es 1980, qui s’est fait aux d\u00e9pens des foyers appauvris qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 forc\u00e9s de partir, en est un excellent exemple. Selon Addi & Ayambire (2022), qui ont cherch\u00e9 \u00e0 \u00e9tablir le lien dialectique entre la politique n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale du Ghana en mati\u00e8re de logement et la pr\u00e9sence de bidonvilles \u00e0 Accra, environ 85 % des lotissements r\u00e9sidentiels d’Accra sont des communaut\u00e9s ferm\u00e9es et des appartements co\u00fbteux respectant les codes de construction occidentaux. Par ailleurs, selon le guide mondial de l’immobilier, les appartements enti\u00e8rement meubl\u00e9s \u00e0 Accra co\u00fbtent entre 100 000 et 15 000 dollars, soit pr\u00e8s de 15 % de plus que la moyenne nationale (Delmendo, 2021). Les n\u0153uds de prime classiques (voir figure 2) ci-dessous sont les sites de ce type de d\u00e9veloppement. <\/p>\n

\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n

Les programmes de logement public qui offraient autrefois un abri abordable aux citadins pauvres ont \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9mantel\u00e9s et remplac\u00e9s par des projets immobiliers haut de gamme destin\u00e9s aux riches. Un travail de terrain r\u00e9alis\u00e9 par les analystes de CISA en avril 2025 a r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 que les citadins pauvres, qui sont pour la plupart des migrants, incapables de s’offrir un logement formel, ont eu recours \u00e0 la construction d’abris de fortune sur des terres marginales, des zones inondables, des couloirs ferroviaires et des zones de haute tension, transformant ces espaces en bidonvilles dens\u00e9ment peupl\u00e9s. Toutefois, ces bidonvilles ne sont pas seulement des refuges pour les personnes marginalis\u00e9es ; ce sont aussi des bombes \u00e0 retardement du point de vue de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9. Le concept de contagion de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 souligne la fa\u00e7on dont l’instabilit\u00e9 ou l’ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 dans une zone peut se propager, d\u00e9clenchant une r\u00e9action en cha\u00eene de crises. Les bidonvilles d’Accra sont souvent caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s par un mauvais assainissement, des infrastructures inad\u00e9quates et des conditions de vie surpeupl\u00e9es, des facteurs qui les rendent vuln\u00e9rables aux \u00e9pid\u00e9mies de chol\u00e9ra et de paludisme (voir Aggrey-Korsah & Oppong, 2013,Damte et al., 2023). Mais au-del\u00e0 des risques sanitaires, la nature incertaine du r\u00e9gime foncier dans les bidonvilles signifie que les r\u00e9sidents vivent dans la crainte constante d \u00ab \u00eatre expuls\u00e9s, ce qui cr\u00e9e un climat de tension et de m\u00e9fiance. Par exemple, Old Fadama, qui a re\u00e7u des menaces d’expulsion depuis 2000, s’est montr\u00e9 tr\u00e8s hostile \u00e0 l \u00bb \u00e9gard d’un analyste de la CISA qui s’y \u00e9tait rendu pour collecter des donn\u00e9es. L’analyste a \u00e9t\u00e9 consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme un espion et on lui a demand\u00e9 d’effacer toutes les informations qu’il avait enregistr\u00e9es apr\u00e8s avoir demand\u00e9 le consentement des personnes interrog\u00e9es. En outre, la localisation des bidonvilles dans les zones tampons, des zones cens\u00e9es ne pas \u00eatre d\u00e9velopp\u00e9es pour la protection de l’environnement, constitue une menace directe pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 publique. Les inondations sont devenues un probl\u00e8me r\u00e9current \u00e0 Accra, et les bidonvilles situ\u00e9s sur les berges des rivi\u00e8res et dans les zones humides sont les plus touch\u00e9s par ces catastrophes. Lorsque ces communaut\u00e9s sont inond\u00e9es, non seulement les r\u00e9sidents perdent leurs maisons, mais le d\u00e9placement cr\u00e9e \u00e9galement une augmentation de la criminalit\u00e9, car les personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es luttent pour survivre. <\/p>\n\n

La restructuration n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale du march\u00e9 du logement d’Accra a \u00e9galement conduit \u00e0 l’essor de pratiques immobili\u00e8res sp\u00e9culatives, o\u00f9 la terre est trait\u00e9e comme une marchandise \u00e0 des fins de profit plut\u00f4t que comme un bien social. Ce d\u00e9veloppement sp\u00e9culatif a acc\u00e9l\u00e9r\u00e9 le d\u00e9placement des pauvres, les poussant encore plus loin dans les quartiers informels. L’in\u00e9galit\u00e9 spatiale qui en r\u00e9sulte est criante : les luxueuses communaut\u00e9s ferm\u00e9es contrastent fortement avec les bidonvilles surpeupl\u00e9s, cr\u00e9ant un paysage urbain divis\u00e9, marqu\u00e9 par des tensions socio-\u00e9conomiques. Pour comprendre les implications s\u00e9curitaires de la croissance des bidonvilles \u00e0 Accra, il est essentiel de reconna\u00eetre que ces \u00e9tablissements ne sont pas simplement des zones de pauvret\u00e9 ; ils sont le produit d’un environnement politique qui donne la priorit\u00e9 au profit plut\u00f4t qu \u00ab \u00e0 l’humain. En s \u00bb \u00e9tendant, ces bidonvilles n’exposent pas seulement les habitants \u00e0 des risques environnementaux, mais cr\u00e9ent \u00e9galement des conditions propices \u00e0 la criminalit\u00e9, \u00e0 la violence et aux maladies, des menaces qui peuvent s \u00ab \u00e9tendre \u00e0 d’autres parties de la ville. La lutte contre la contagion s\u00e9curitaire que repr\u00e9sentent les bidonvilles d’Accra n\u00e9cessite un changement fondamental de la gouvernance urbaine. Il faut revenir \u00e0 une approche du logement fond\u00e9e sur les droits, dans laquelle l \u00bb \u00c9tat reconna\u00eet le droit de tous les citoyens \u00e0 un logement s\u00fbr, s\u00e9curis\u00e9 et abordable. Elle exige \u00e9galement que les zones tampons soient pr\u00e9serv\u00e9es pour les usages environnementaux auxquels elles sont destin\u00e9es, plut\u00f4t que d \u00ab \u00eatre affect\u00e9es \u00e0 l’habitat informel. En fin de compte, le d\u00e9fi que repr\u00e9sente la croissance des bidonvilles \u00e0 Accra est un test de l’engagement de la ville en faveur de l \u00bb \u00e9quit\u00e9 sociale, du d\u00e9veloppement durable et de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 humaine. <\/p>\n\n

R\u00e9f\u00e9rence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n

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Addi, B. et Ayambire, R. A. (2022). Neoliberalism and the growth of slums in Accra, Ghana. SN Social Sciences<\/em>, 2(11), 1-28. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/s43545-022-00558-7<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Afenah, A. (2009). An analysis of the attempted unlawful forced eviction of an informal settlement in Accra (Analyse de la tentative d’expulsion forc\u00e9e ill\u00e9gale d’un quartier informel d’Accra). Ghana 139:1-22 <\/p>\n\n

Aggrey-Korsah, E. et Oppong, J. (2013). Recherche sur la sant\u00e9 dans les bidonvilles urbains de Nima, un bidonville d’Accra. GeoJournal Library<\/em>, 109-124. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/978-94-007-6732-4_7<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Amoako, C (2017). Vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 aux inondations et r\u00e9ponses dans les communaut\u00e9s urbaines informelles d’Accra, Ghana. Th\u00e8se de doctorat (Monash University) <\/p>\n\n

Arku G (2009) Policy review : housing policy changes in Ghana in the 1990s. Housing Studies 24(2):261-272. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/02673030902719763<\/a><\/p>\n\n

Asiedu, A. B. et Arku, G. (2009). The rise of gated housing estates in Ghana : Empirical insights from three communities in metropolitan Accra. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment<\/em>, 24(3), 227-247. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/s10901-009-9146-0<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Damte, E., Manteaw, B. O. et Wrigley-Asante, C. (2023). Urbanisation, changement climatique et vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9s sanitaires dans les communaut\u00e9s des bidonvilles au Ghana. The Journal of Climate Change and Health<\/em>, 10, 100189. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.joclim.2022.100189<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Delmendo, L. C. (2021). Covid-19 hurts Ghana’s high-end property market<\/em>. www.global property guide.com. 15 mai 2025. https:\/\/www.globalpropertyguide.com\/africa\/ghana\/price-history<\/a><\/p>\n\n

F\u00e4lt, L. (2020). Nouveaux horizons urbains en Afrique : A critical analysis of changing land uses in the Greater Accra Region, Ghana<\/em>. Stockholm : D\u00e9partement de g\u00e9ographie humaine, Universit\u00e9 de Stockholm. <\/p>\n\n

Gillespie T (2018) Collective self-help, financial inclusion, and the commons : searching for solutions to Accra’s housing crisis. Housing Policy Debate 28(1):64-78. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/10511482.2017.<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Konadu-Agyemang K (2001) Structural adjustment programs and housing affordability in Accra, Ghana. Can Geogr 45(4):528-544. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/j.1541-0064.2001.tb01500.x<\/a><\/p>\n\n

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Obeng-Odoom, F. (2013). La gouvernance pour un d\u00e9veloppement urbain favorable aux pauvres<\/em>. Routledge.<\/p>\n\n

Ofosu-Kusi, Y. et Danso-Wiredu, E. Y. (2014). Neoliberalism and Housing Provision in Accra, Ghana : The Illogic of an Over-Liberalised Housing Market (N\u00e9olib\u00e9ralisme et fourniture de logements \u00e0 Accra, Ghana : l’illogisme d’un march\u00e9 du logement sur-lib\u00e9ralis\u00e9). Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development<\/em>, 95-109. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/978-3-319-06022-4_7<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Okyere, A. S., Tasantab, J. C., & Abunyewah , M. (2018). Les quartiers informels d’Accra att\u00e9nuent la crise du logement urbain de la ville . The Conservaton <\/em>, 1-5. <\/p>\n\n

Yankson PWK & Bertrand M (2012) Challenges of urbanization in Ghana. La ville mobile d’Accra, janvier 2012, 25-46. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

La contagion de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 est le ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne par lequel l’ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 ou les conflits violents dans une zone se propagent aux r\u00e9gions ou pays voisins, souvent par le biais des fronti\u00e8res, des communaut\u00e9s partag\u00e9es ou de l’influence id\u00e9ologique. 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